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..useless and disapointed

tickle

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JUST CLICK ON ANY PART OF GIRL'S BODY

& SEE HER REACTION !!!

HAPPY VIEWING...


Vietnamese see funny side of sex

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Despite rapid development, Vietnam is a conservative society


Vinh, a 24-year-old man, says his parents never talked to him about sex.


"But they would make jokes about it so that I know what they expect from me," he says.

Vinh is from Hue, one of the most traditional cities in Vietnam, but this attitude is found throughout the country, according to the authors of the first survey into sex and sexual attitudes carried out in the communist state for 50 years.

By turning it into a joke some parents and children find it is easier to talk about sex without being judged or getting embarrassed.

This attitude seems to apply to all, young and old in Vietnam.

But for some the subject really is no laughing matter. The communist state is deeply conservative and sex is a highly sensitive subject.



Extracted from
By Ha Mi
BBC Vietnamese service

BBC Article

Thoughts ahead of Vacation .Persepolis, Iran and the Basijis, Kyrgyzstan and Burma

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So .. I will be out for a while,
no connection to Internet
No TV
Yes you are right I am going on Vacation...

Just wrapping up what I will think about during my Vacation.

My Number One theme will still be The Iranian people.
Knowing a very few people inside this country and my sons best friend is an Iranian, living in Germany. I find it shamefull that the world community has accepted the way the Iranian goverments have treated their people since the revolution in 1979.
Knowing that a man and a woman are not allowed to go out together, less they are related or have due permissions. And still then the Basijis might still question them going out together. The Basijis seems to be uncontrollable from a legal perspectiv regardless which legislation you base it upon.

Now the people in Iran has shown their courage and gone to the streets. They have joined forces saying NO, we don't want this anymore. I hope that their work will give humanity the fruits that the Iranian people deserves.

I have included a Video, which is worth to spend some minutes on. Hope you will all support the Iranian people as good as you can.



My Number two theme will be Burma
In Burma the people is strugling under the preassure of the dictatorship.
The trial agains Aung San Suu Kyi is getting towards their final stages, and I have the impression that the world has forgotten them.
Let us all have the Burmese people in our minds this summer, considdering what it would have been like if you had been born in that country.

Kirgisistan or Kyrgyzstan, there seems to be so many different ways to write this country Name
Another potential fraudulent election. Will the people of Kyrgyzstan reject it as the Iranians have done. I hope, and we should show international support as the web communities have done with Iran.

Then I will read a book borrowed from a friend..."Freaconomics" and
then I will think of nothing and anything and teach my kids how to sail..
then I will think of the friends from far away from whom I have not heard much lately, I miss you
then that is vacation

I wish you some interesting days.. and keep the world going allthough I will stop for some days

summer dock Pictures, Images and Photos

Iran ..one Month later

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Now a Month has gone buy since the so called election was held in Iran.

An election, which can clearly be proved to contain cheaters ..just add the numbers from official statistics. Poeple are again on the streets demonstrating for freedom and democracy.


Imagine, you were born in 1982 (3 years after the revolution) as a woman in Iran. You would be a decent girl and so far you have not been married.
You would probably never have:
-Been to a disco.
-had a sexual relationship
-going out in public with men other than family members
-your earnings would be between 200 and 600 € a month.

I really appreciate that some leaders now speak up in Iran to be able to give the poeople of Iran an opportunity to decide for themselves.
Mousavi and Rafsanjani has been the most important figures in this step, moving away from the corrupt current leadership, which has made Iran so poor.

I think allthough, that the most important strong force have been the courage of the women and men in Iran. The world should thank them, because they are willing to sacrifice short term pain to make this world a better place.

I know Iran is not the only place on earth, we should not forget Burma, North Korea, Parts of China and Afganistan. But I think a change in Iran would have a greater inpact on the world as it would be a change in a Muslim republic, and could help make better relationship towards different thinking people. Imagine Iran would be more towards the openness in Indonesia. Not perfect but a giant leap for mankind.

Let us use our Friday and Sunday prayers to support the freedom fighters on the streets of Iran.


Voting Figures in Iran’s 2009 Presidential Election

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Official Iranian statistics reveals some interesting numbers which have been published by Chatamhouse .

These are official numbers and it is definitely worth reading. Thank you guys


Download Paper here



Working from the province by province breakdowns of the 2009 and 2005 results, released by the Iranian Ministry of Interior, and from the 2006 census as published by the official Statistical Centre of Iran, this paper offers some observations about the official data and the debates surrounding the 2009 Iranian Presidential Election.

Opera Unite

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:wink:
Just setting up Opera Unit, seems pretty Cool.
Maybe you would like to put a sticker on my fridge..
unite://coolcologne.eivindd.operaunite.com/fridge/

Testing the other parts as well, media works allmost allways but is a bit slow to work with (Not what I am used to from Opera).

Well will keep testing this cool new invention.


:cool:
wine :sing: :cheers:

It looks increasingly as though the government will have to crack down or back down THEECONOMIST

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The Economist

THE sight of a million-odd demonstrators on the streets of Tehran, the like of which has not been seen since the revolution that unseated the shah in 1979, is bound to stir the hearts of freedom lovers the world over. That is especially true when the chief butt of popular anger, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, is a Holocaust-denying bully who seems bent on getting his hands on a nuclear weapon. Yet outsiders tempted to shout their support for the protesters should tread carefully for fear of achieving the opposite of what they intend.

After holding the country in a tight grip for 30 years, Iran’s clerical rulers are in disarray. The presidential candidate who was supposed to have come second in last week’s ballot, Mir Hosein Mousavi, seems likely, judging by all the chicanery, to have won (see article). The establishment is divided, with some stalwarts of the revolution siding with the demonstrators. Even the supreme leader, too spiritual to submit himself to popular ballot for the near-omnipotent post he has held for the past two decades, has become embroiled in the squalid electoral fray. He may ultimately even face the question of his, and the regime’s, survival.


No one can see into the back rooms of the clerical establishment or into the bunkers of the Revolutionary Guard. No one knows the real results of the vote. No one can predict how long the street protests will last or how ready the regime is to use force and the price it would pay in its own people’s blood. Yet something momentous has happened in a pivotal country in the most combustible part of the world. Having fatally misread its own people, Iran’s government must now decide whether to back down or to crack down.
The judgment of history

Iran is the fulcrum of an unstable region. If it behaved responsibly, the world would naturally look to it as the local power. Instead it meddles, often malevolently, with its neighbours.

That is not surprising, for it has been the victim of much meddling. The country has been buffeted between imperial rivals—Russian, Turkish, British and American—for more than a century. The West once took Iran’s oil for itself. Britain and America sabotaged its brief experiment with democracy in 1953, as Barack Obama admitted in his admirable speech to Muslims in Cairo earlier this month. A generation ago Iran was assaulted by an Arab army headed by Iraq’s Saddam Hussein, leaving a million dead. Persian prickliness, even paranoia, is understandable. Iran feels ringed by the forces of what it sees as its main enemy—America. The eagerness of Iran’s rulers for a nuclear capability, which they swear is only for civilian use but which most outsiders reckon would lead inexorably to a bomb, is shared by nearly all Iranians, even those on the streets, as a national birthright in a hostile world.

But an external threat cannot justify the crass debauchery of the presidential poll. Iran is not a democracy, but its system, which combines unelected religious authority with a subordinate elected civilian one, was designed to give people a chance to let off steam from time to time within carefully set electoral limits. And today there is a head of steam to vent. The young are bored and rebellious and short of work, women are oppressed, bazaaris fed up with economic bungling. Even some clerics reject Mr Ahmadinejad for his populist brand of Islam.

For this election, the limits were set very narrow. The supreme leader, abetted by largely unelected councils, allowed just four out of more than 400 candidates to face the voters in the presumption that his populist incumbent protégé would stroll to victory. Instead those disparate groups of discontented Iranians united behind the main challenger, Mr Mousavi. The ballot-rigging turned that support into a mass protest against the system itself. Given that all four official candidates were sworn to keep the largely theocratic system going, the government’s performance was stupid as well as pernicious.

Iranian demonstrators are a determined lot. Before the shah’s fall, protests went on for months. But what happens now will be decided as much by the depth of divisions within the ruling clerical establishment as by the stamina of angry crowds. The clerics are faced with a desperate dilemma. By letting air into a system that has stifled even basic freedoms, yielding to the demonstrators could undo the regime; and yet to use force risks turning Iran into any other cheap dictatorship. A regime that has long sought to claim both legitimacy and a monopoly on power may soon have to choose which of the two it most desires.
The best of all possible worlds

Watching Iranians pour onto the streets to demand change, those in the outside world who wish Iran well must hope fervently that it comes. Iranians are too sophisticated to be ruled for ever by a clutch of old men in turbans. The regime has been illiberal and authoritarian. It is often vicious in its suppression of opponents and its disregard for human rights. Iran has the highest rate of judicial executions per head in the world. Women are second-class citizens. Even so, Iran is nothing like the totalitarian, mass-murdering regimes of the Soviet Union or Nazi Germany. However many votes he rigged, Mr Ahmadinejad has a big constituency behind him.

The West must tread carefully—as Mr Obama has done (see article)—in its response to Iran’s unfolding crisis. It should condemn abuses of human rights and electoral malpractice, but it should avoid taking sides. Given Iranians’ understandable hostility to outside interference, endorsing Mr Mousavi would only strengthen Mr Ahmadinejad. And whoever ends up running Iran, the West will have to talk to its leaders about its nuclear programme.

A new president and a kinder regime in Iran would be a valuable prize. It would lower the regional temperature. In Iraq, where Iran meddles, blood is still being copiously spilt, albeit far less so than a few years ago. In Palestine and Lebanon, both zones of Iranian interference, it could help tilt the protagonists towards compromise. It could even improve Afghanistan. So, as Iran splutters and seethes, the world must watch and wait—and keep its offer of goodwill on the table.

Iran 101: Understanding the unrest

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Q. The Iran that we know today is the result of the Islamic Revolution. What is it?

A. The Islamic Revolution is the name given to the Iranian revolution of 1979, when the ruling U.S.-supported monarchy was overthrown and Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was forced into exile. See timeline of recent Iranian history »

The country held a national referendum to become an Islamic republic and approve a new constitution.

The constitution was a hybrid of democracy and unelected religious leadership. It appointed Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini -- the leader of the revolution -- the supreme leader of the country.

Before he died in 1989, he made it known that he wanted Ayatollah Ali Khamenei to succeed him.

Q. Is it true that the ultimate power in Iran lies with Khamenei?

A. Yes. The supreme leader has the final say in all important matters of the country, such as ties with foreign nations or Iran's nuclear aspirations.

He appoints the Guardian Council -- the country's election authority. He also appoints key posts in the intelligence services and the armed forces, including the powerful Revolutionary Guard. Additionally, he confirms the president's election.

In theory, the supreme leader is appointed by a body of clerics whom voters elect. But in practice, this body -- the Assembly of Experts -- has answered to the supreme leader.

Khamenei, 70, was appointed supreme leader for life in 1989.

Q. What is the Guardian Council, which has been in the news, saying it will recount some of the votes in the disputed election?

A. The unelected Guardian Council is the second-most influential body in Iran politics. It consists of six theologians whom the supreme leader picks and six jurists nominated by the judiciary and approved by parliament.

The council approves all candidates running for office in the country, and verifies election results.

It vetoes bills passed by the parliament if they do not conform to the constitution and Islamic law.

In the present crisis, opposition leader Moussavi has had to take his grievance to the Guardian Council. It has agreed to some vote recounts. See galleries of protests in Iran »

Q. So, how much power does the president wield?

A. It depends on how nicely he plays with the Guardian Council.

The president is elected by direct vote to a four-year term, for a maximum of two terms.

He is responsible for economic policy and social programs, but most of the larger decisions are made by the supreme leader.

In theory, his powers are second to the supreme leader's. But in practice, he is often hamstrung by the Guardian Council.

The Guardian Council has worked with hard-liner Ahmadinejad, a 53-year-old former mayor of Tehran who was elected in 2005. But it thwarted reform attempts by his predecessor, Mohammad Khatami.

Q. What is the Revolutionary Guard, who said they will take legal action against pro-Moussavi Web sites?

A. The guard was initially created to protect the leaders of the revolution. But over the years, it has broadened its scope. Today, it is directly under the control of the supreme leader and enforces the governments' Islamic codes and morality

With more than 200,000 members, it is tasked with overseeing the country's crucial interests, including guarding its oil fields and missile arsenals.

Q. What is the Basij, who are said to be behind most of the violence against opposition supporters?

A. The Basij is a volunteer paramilitary force that takes orders from the Revolutionary Guard. It plays the role of de facto morality police and is often summoned to crack down on protests.

It is unknown how large the force is, though estimates are in the millions.

Q. What evidence is there of ballot fraud?

A. There are no concrete examples of fraud, because independent monitors did not oversee polling in Iran, but the circumstantial evidence is persuasive.

The government had initially said it would take three days to verify the ballots after Election Day on June 12. But the election authority proclaimed Ahmadinejad the winner two hours after the polls closed. At the same time, the interior ministry said that 85 percent of the country's 46 million eligible voters had cast ballots -- a record turnout.

To many, so many ballots could not have been hand-counted in such a short time.

Also, the published results showed that Ahmadinejad won even in his opponents' strongholds, including Moussavi's hometown of ethnic Azeri Turks.

"This is the equivalent of Barack Obama losing the African-American vote to John McCain in 2008," said Karim Sajadpour of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Furthermore, Moussavi went into the election with massive support from the country's youth, who were unhappy with the faltering economy and an unemployment rate that tops 30 percent by some accounts. The youth make up 60 percent of Iran's population of 70 million.

Q. Is it true that Ahmadinejad still enjoys widespread support?

A. Yes. Ahmadinejad is popular across Iran's rural areas and among the Basij militia.

He presents himself as a populist and a fighter. He has paid attention to the families of the bloody Iran-Iraq war, offering special preferences to veterans' children in university admissions.

As president, his hardline approach has won him support among the Guardian Council. He has earned a reputation internationally as a fundamentalist for his Holocaust denials, calls to annihilate Israel, and cat-and-mouse games with the United States and the United Nations over Iran's nuclear activities. Many in the establishment view him as someone who does not cower to big-footing by the West.

Q. Why, then, do some analysts think the vote was manipulated?

A. Some experts say that even if it is likely that Ahmadinejad won the election, it is unlikely he could have won by the margin the government is claiming -- 62.63 percent of the vote.

Time magazine's Joe Klein explains it this way: "It is entirely possible that Ahmadinejad would have won anyway, but narrowly, perhaps with less than 50 percent of the vote, setting up a runoff election he might have lost as the other candidates united against him. It is possible that his government, perhaps acting in concert with supreme leader Ayatullah Ali Khamenei, decided to take no chances."

Q. Why is Iran's population so young?

A. After the revolution, the leaders encouraged early marriage and large families, rewarding families with cars and television sets for each additional child. During the country's devastating eight-year war with Iraq, which began in 1980, the regime continued encouraging population growth, because more children meant more future soldiers.

It is those children who are now coming of age.

Q. Why did Iran summon Switzerland's ambassador to complain about perceived U.S. involvement in Iran's election process?

A. The United States cut diplomatic ties with Iran following the hostage crisis in 1979, when students in support of the Islamic Revolution took 52 Americans hostage and held them for 444 days.

Q. Is this movement a challenge to the Islamic republic?

A. The demonstrators say their demand is simple: Hold fresh elections. They say they are not out to challenge the Islamic regime. Watch protests Wednesday in Tehran »

Furthermore, Moussavi is an unlikely man for the job.

Though the 67-year-old former prime minister is credited for successfully navigating the Iranian economy as prime minister during the Iran-Iraq war, he also was a hard-liner whom the Economist described as a "firm radical."
He, like most Iranians in power, does not believe in the existence of Israel. He defended the taking of the American hostages in 1979. He was part of a regime that regularly executed dissidents. And as late as April, he opposed suspending the country's nuclear-enrichment program but said it would not be diverted to weapons use.
The protests have exposed a fissure in the country, however, with tens of thousands of Ahmadinejad backers taking to the streets in a show of force of their own.

Q. Are the current protests likely to continue?

A. For now, the government seems to be allowing the populace to vent pent-up frustrations. But it also is gradually cracking down, such as blocking Web sites and banning international journalists from filming the rallies.

The demonstrations have so far been focused on urban areas. Should the populace in rural areas take up the call for reform, the government might step in quickly to quash the protests, analysts say. See map of demonstration sites in Tehran »

Q. Is this the first time Iranians have risen up in mass protests against the regime?

A. No. Iran has twice seen public calls for reform in recent years: in 1999, after the closing of a reformist newspaper, and after parliamentary elections in 2000.
On both occasions, the Revolutionary Guard descended on the streets after a few days and crushed the movements.

Q. So, can true reform come to Iran?
A. It is possible. Ahmadinejad's predecessor, Khatami, was elected president in 1997 by a landslide, despite being a reformer. During his two terms, he championed freedom of expression, tried to mend diplomatic relations, and supported a free market. He was, however, hamstrung at every step by stiff resistance from the supreme leader and the Guardian Council

Iran's Khamenei demands halt to election protests / But please keep the protest going

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From Reuters..Pure news for those in Iran with no access to Reuters

TEHRAN (Reuters) - Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei defended Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on Friday as the rightful winner of a presidential election that has sparked the biggest street protests in the Islamic Republic's history.

(EDITORS' NOTE: Reuters and other foreign media are subject to Iranian restrictions on their ability to report, film or take pictures in Tehran.)

In his first address to the nation since the upheaval began, Khamenei demanded an end to the demonstrations and denied any possibility that the poll a week ago had been rigged, as Ahmadinejad's opponents have asserted.

"The result of the election comes from the ballot box, not from the street," he told tens of thousands of worshippers who had gathered in and around Tehran University for Friday prayers. "Today the Iranian nation needs calm."

He said Iran's enemies were targeting the legitimacy of the Islamic establishment by disputing the outcome of the election.

The protests by supporters of Mirhossein Mousavi, runner-up in the poll, are the largest and most widespread since the revolution in Iran, the world's fifth biggest oil exporter, which is also at odds with the West over its nuclear program.

"EXTREMIST BEHAVIOR"

Khamenei said politicians should shun extremism and would be responsible for any bloodshed due to "extremist behavior," adding that street protests would not pressure the establishment into accepting "illegal demands" of losing candidates.

Mousavi has called for the election result to be annulled.

The supreme leader, Iran's ultimate authority, in theory stands above the factional fray, but Khamenei acknowledged that his views on foreign and domestic policy were closer to those of Ahmadinejad than to those of the hardline president's foes.

People chanting slogans and holding posters of Khamenei, Ahmadinejad and the late Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomenei, the father of the 1979 Islamic revolution, packed streets outside the university.

At least one police helicopter hovered overhead.

"Ahmadinejad has been our president for four years, and during this time he has always told the truth to our people," said Javid Abbasirad, 48, outside the university gates.

At the same venue, hundreds of university students had demonstrated in support of Mousavi on Sunday, hurling stones at riot police trying to disperse protesters outside the gates.

Some in the crowd for Friday prayers were draped in Iranian flags. Others held placards with anti-Western slogans.
A group of clerics and citizens left the holy city of Qom for a 150 km (100 mile) walk to Tehran in a show of support for Khamenei, state radio and television reported.

Khamenei's speech followed six days of protests by Mousavi supporters. On Thursday, tens of thousands of black-clad marchers bore candles to mourn those killed in earlier rallies.

The protests are the largest and most widespread since the revolution in Iran, the world's fifth biggest oil exporter, which is also at odds with the West over its nuclear program.

Iranian state media has reported seven or eight people killed in protests since the election results were published on June 13. Scores of reformists have been arrested and authorities have cracked down on both foreign and domestic media.

(Additional reporting by Dominic Evans and Hossein Jaseb in Tehran; Editing by Alistair Lyon and Charles Dick)

Police and Crowd hand in hand Teheran

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Seems like there is progress.