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荒诞者共和

ABSURDIST REPUBLIC

Posts tagged with "Ideology"

Who Cared About Whether Mao was a Marxist or Not? Liberal Historiography and Chairman Mao

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Gerry Iguchi
Chinese History Research, UCSD

In the years between 1951 and 1974, there was a consistent line of liberal, intellectual historiography on the topic of Mao Tse-tung which was bent on defining Mao as something other than a Marxist or Marxist-Leninist in any deep sense. Benjamin Schwartz got the ball rolling in 1951 with his Chinese Communism and the Rise. Schwartz explicitly calls Chinese Communism the latest stage of Marxisms deterioration (201-202); in the introduction to the 1958 edition, he called it the decomposition of Marxism (4). In the context of the early fifties red scare, Schwartzs purpose was to point out the fact that Chinese Communism was not simply part of a global conspiracy being controlled by the Kremlin. In 1966, Stuart Schram wrote Mao Tse-tung, a biography of the Chairman in which he too, once again, let us know that Mao differed substantially from anything one could call Marxism/ Marxism-Leninism. Although Schwartz moved on to other topics, Schram published two other books on Mao, both of which were collections of the Chinese leaders written or spoken words: The Political Thought of Mao Tse-tung (1969) and Chairman Mao Talks to the People: Talks and Letters, 1956-1971 (1974). In the introductions of both of these books, even as late as the mid-1970s when it was quite clear to most observers that the Chinese Communists had significant differences with the Soviets, Schram used the words of Mao to, again, proclaim that Mao is something other than a true Marxist.

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The Invention of Modernity: Chinese Historians Help Tradition Fight Back!

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Miriam Gross
Chinese History Research, UCSD

The juxtaposition between tradition and modernity has become such a stock character in studies of Chinese history that the unenthusiastic reader can often only sigh at its inevitable onerous inclusion.  At this point authors may only be able to grab the reader’s attention via titles (such as this one) that are better suited for newspaper headlines.  This paper attempts to go beyond this automatic lethargy by exploring the evolving relationship between tradition and modernity.  Further, it suggests that novel ways of delving into the so-called traditional realm are inspiring new questions that in turn allow scholars to understand people’s lived experience in a much more substantive way.
 
After briefly examining how tradition and modernity were addressed in the older literature (Levinson), this paper will assess three current understandings of this relationship: the indigenization of modernity (Morris); modernity and tradition’s mutual re-creation (Wang, Dong); and tradition’s exploitation of modernity (Dong, Yeh, Fong et. al).  These different perceptions of tradition and modernity form a spectrum whose farther reaches are leading the field of modern Chinese history in striking new directions.

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After Neoliberalism: Empire, Social Democracy, or Socialism?

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Li Minqi
Monthly Review
Volume 55, Number 8


Minqi Li was a political prisoner in China during 1990–1992. He teaches political economy at the Department of Political Science of York University, Toronto, Canada.

The author has benefited from discussions with David Kotz, Robert Pollin, James Crotty, Gerald Epstein, Leo Panitch, Gregory Albo, Samuel Gindin, and Patrick Bond.


Since the early 1980s, the leading capitalist states in North America and Western Europe have pursued neoliberal policies and institutional changes. The peripheral and semiperipheral states in Latin America, Africa, Asia, and Eastern Europe, under the pressure of the leading capitalist states (primarily the United States) and international monetary institutions (IMF and the World Bank), have adopted “structural adjustments,” “shock therapies,” or “economic reforms,” to restructure their economies in accordance with the requirements of neoliberal economics.

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Stuart Munckton: Venezuela's battle in the countryside and the 'revolution within the revolution'

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By Stuart Munckton, Sydney branch
DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST PERSPECTIVE

(The following is a constribution to the DSP's internal discussion on Venezuela's revolution.)

In mid-September, the Ezquiel Zamora National Campesino Front (FNCEZ), one of the two major peasant organisations in Venezuela, released a statement entitled “Let us fight the neoliberals who have infiltrated the revolution”, in response to the arrest of a number of peasants by police for their role in a FNCEZ-organised occupation of the Corporation of the Andes central offices. CorpoAndes is a state institution whose role is to oversee economic development in the region.

The FNCEZ organised the occupation because the institution had broken a series of promises. As part of the general line of march set out by the Bolivarian revolution to develop the nation along pro-people lines, the body was supposed to shift its priorities towards helping develop the cooperatives and “units of social production” for endogenous (national) development. The line is set, agreements are made, and the state bureaucracy manages to prevent its implementation.

Then, when peasants occupy the central offices in protest, taking on Chavez’s call that if the institutions are not working properly, the people must act to force them to work, the police are sent in to arrest the peasants. This is particularly galling given one of the major grievances of the campesino movement in Venezuela is the impunity by and large still enjoyed by the hired killers that target peasant activists.

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Marce Cameron: The state and revolution in Venezuela

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By Marce Cameron, Syndey branch
DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST PERSPECTIVE

(The following is a constribution to the DSP's internal discussion on Venezuela's revolution.)

Comrade Stuart Munckton’s discussion contribution “Venezuela’s battle in the countryside and the ‘revolution within the revolution’” (The Activist Volume 16, No. 8) takes up the important question of the class nature of the Venezuelan state.

Venezuela’s unfolding socialist revolution appears to defy two of the cornerstones of the Marxist theory of the state.

First: that the working class cannot take hold of the bourgeois state and wield it for its own purposes. Second: that the bourgeois state cannot be transformed into a working people’s state through gradual, peaceful reform. It must be smashed by the working class in a violent revolution.

The revolutionary transformation of capitalism into socialism cannot be anything other than a process. It’s not an instantaneous event; there has to be a period of transition from the old society to the new.

But this transition from capitalism to socialism cannot even begin until the working class has become the ruling class, and Marx, Engels and Lenin insisted that this could only happen if the working class seized state power in a revolution.

Unlike the transition to socialism, which is stretched out over an entire historical period, the struggle for state power is necessarily short-lived.

In a revolutionary situation the question of which class is to impose its will on society cannot drag on indefinitely (other than in a protracted civil war). Either the working class seizes state power or it doesn’t, in which case it is inevitably thrown back for a time by the counter-revolution.

The revolutionary situation – the window of opportunity in which the class struggle has reached an acute crisis and the class balance of forces is about even – occupies only a fleeting historical moment, days or weeks at most, and it must be resolved decisively in favour of either the bourgeoisie or the proletariat. If the proletariat seizes the opportunity, this is the revolution, the moment of insurrection.

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Determining the class nature of the state

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By Simon Butler, Adelaide branch
DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST PERSPECTIVE

[The following is a constribution to the DSP's internal discussion on Venezuela's revolution.]

Comrade Marce Cameron’s recent article “The State and Revolution in Venezuela” (Marce Cameron, The Activist Vol 17, # 1) contains a lengthy discussion on the Marxist view of the state and the class nature of Venezuelan state in particular. As part of his discussion Comrade Marce introduces a new but mistaken criteria for identifying for class nature of a state.

Comrade Marce argues that the class nature of any state is revealed by which side the state takes in decisive class battles. Yet historically Marxists have identified the class nature of the state is dependent upon the form of property relations that the state introduces and defends.

“First of all,” Marce argues, “we have to apply a correct methodology.” I agree with this wholeheartedly. Without a common methodology grounded in Marxism any debates around Venezuela and other revolutionary developments will be far from clarifying and useful. This article seeks to explain why Comrade Marce’s ideas regarding the class nature of the state are mistaken and why the methodology he applies is false.

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China: What's the Big Mystery?

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John Feffer, IRC
Foreign Policy In Focus
December 4, 2006


John Feffer is the co-director of Foreign Policy In Focus at the International Relations Center.

The latest recruitment brochure from the Central Intelligence Agency, which beckons the uninitiated to “be a part of a mission that's larger than all of us,” opens to reveal an image of the red-roofed entrance to Beijing's Forbidden City. From an oversized portrait on the ancient wall, Chairman Mao and his Mona Lisa smile behold the vast granite expanse of Tiananmen Square. The Cold War is over, and the Soviet Union is gone. The cloak-and-dagger games of Berlin and Prague have been replaced by business and tourism. But China—land of ancient secrets, autocratic leaders, and memories of suppressed uprisings—still holds out the promise of world-historical struggle that can help the CIA meet its recruitment goals.

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On the Great Challenges Facing China's Mainstream Ideology

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Xu Ming
President and editor in chief of Social Sciences Weekly, a research fellow of the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences
ACTUEL MARX
L'Université de Paris-X


Abstract: Currently, China’s mainstream ideology is confronted with more and more challenges from a great variety of ideological trends. Those challenges have posed a potential threat to the theoretical foundations and the ruling position of the Communist Party of China. After over two decades’ economic reform, China has achieved commendable accomplishment in social development which has attracted world-wide attention. Nevertheless, due to the backwardness of the mainstream ideology in innovation and development, other trends of thoughts are so influential to contemporary China that there is a chaotic debate in China’s theoretical circle. Among them are the three trends of thoughts, i. e. “classical leftism”, “neo-leftism” and liberalism, which are the most influential in the ideological community. To some extent, these trends of thoughts have affected people’s view on the current society and will shake the confidence and resolution of the Communist Party of China in promoting reform and opening-up. Consequently, the author hereby holds that the best solution to the problem is to establish an innovative mechanism, to promote the building of a theoretical mainstream system, to pay more attention to the great social problems and to usher reform in the publicity of the mainstream theory.

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Martha Nussbaum: Patriotism and Cosmopolitanism

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Martha Nussbaum
Department of Sociology
Northern Illinois University

Boston Review, Oct/Nov 1994
Vol. XIX No. 5

When anyone asked him where he came from, he said, "I am a citizen of the world." -- Diogenes Laertius, Life of Diogenes the Cynic

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Charles Taylor: Why Democracy Needs Patriotism

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Charles Taylor
Department of Philosophy
Baylor University

Boston Review, Oct/Nov 1994
Vol. XIX No. 5

This essay is a response to Martha Nussbaum's "Patriotism and Cosmopolitanism" which appeared in the Boston Review (Vol. 19, No. 5)

I agree with so much in Martha Nussbaum's well-argued and moving piece, but I would like to enter one caveat. Nussbaum sometimes seems to be proposing cosmopolitan identity as an alternative to patriotism. If so, then I think this is a mistake. And that is because we cannot do without patriotism in the modern world.

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