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荒诞者共和

ABSURDIST REPUBLIC

Posts tagged with "Injustice"

Dark Side of the Chinese Moon

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By Yang Lian
New Left Review 32, March-April 2005

Yang Lian on Chen Guidi and Wu Chuntao, Zhongguo nongmin diaocha. A catalogue of the iniquities visited on rural China as the CCP safeguards the ‘investment environment’ of the coastal cities, at the cost of the countryside. Impoverishment and extortion of 40 per cent of the world’s peasants, in a survey suppressed by the PRC authorities.

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The Gao Qinrong Interview in Southern Metropolis Daily

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By Jiang Yingshuang
Correspondent, Southern Metropolis Daily
China Daily
2006-12-18


(This translation posted by CD appeared firstly at EastSouthWestNorth.)

Gao Qinrong, born January 19, 1955, Chinese Communist Party member, former reporter at the Shanxi Youth Daily and then transferred to the Shanxi bureau of Xinhua's magazine.

In May 1998, he was the first to expose the fake irrigation project in the Yuncheng area. On December 4 of the same year, he was detained and then formally arrested on December 26.

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In Rural China, A Time Bomb is Ticking

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By Joshua Muldavin
International Herald Tribune
JANUARY 1, 2006


(Joshua Muldavin, a professor of geography and Asian studies at Sarah Lawrence College, New York, is writing a book on the environmental and social impacts of China's development path.)

NEW YORK The recent police killing in China's Guangdong Province of as many as 20 villagers who were protesting the government's seizure of land for a power plant is symptomatic of an emerging pattern of rural unrest that challenges the very legitimacy of the Chinese state and the development path on which it has embarked.
China's fabulous growth since the 1980s was achieved through environmental destruction and social and economic polarization which now threaten its continuation. This paradox puts the state in near panic as it tries to hold down the resulting widespread unrest in the countryside. While rural strife is not new - in 1994, I witnessed thousands of peasants in Henan Province fight a local government militia over unpopular taxation and state policies - its scope and frequency have increased greatly.
Rural unrest is the biggest political problem China faces today, even though lethal violence in such events is rare. In 2004, according to official estimates, there were 74,000 uprisings throughout the country - a result of widening gaps between rich and poor, and between urban and rural areas, and between the rapidly growing industrial east and the stagnating agricultural hinterlands.
Guangdong - a booming epicenter of foreign direct investment, with thousands of new factories of global as well as Chinese corporations - embodies these inequalities most intensely. It is not surprising that the province has become a focus of resistance to development as peasant lands are overrun with industries.

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Bribery Reported in Village-level Elections

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China Daily
2006-10-09


XINHUA While China is making efforts to promote village democracy, some voters were found being bribed in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region.

According to the Beijing-based weekly magazine Outlook, Yun Lianchang was voted head of the village committee in Qian Baimiao Village of Jinhe Town after he spent 400,000 yuan (50,000 U.S. dollars) on laying on banquets for villagers and paying them sums of cash.

He defeated his only rival Qiao Yumei, who reportedly spent 260,000 yuan (32,500 U.S. dollars) for the same purpose. The loser even asked the villagers for her money back once she learnt of her defeat.

"My wife and I received a total of 2,400 yuan (300 U.S. dollars) from both candidates," villager Zhang Yue told the magazine. "Candidates also canvassed voters by serving them meals in restaurants," he added.

The Hohhot local government and people's congress are now investigating the election but so far Yun Liancheng remains in his new post. According to Chinese law, elections marred by bribery are void.

Qiao Yumei defended her bribery efforts by claiming that "someone used bribery to beat his rival in the previous election and held the position for the past three years without being punished."

The investigation by "Outlook" uncovered similar activities in other villages in the Jinhe and Xibashan Townships.

The amount of money spent on being elected was higher in the villages closest to the city. "Those who want a more prestigious position have to pay more. The more money a candidate spends, the more votes he gets," said one villager on condition of anonymity.

"Many villagers enjoyed the election days. After all, they were being given free meals and cash," he said.

The average annual income of a village official is no more than 10,000 yuan ( 1,250 U.S. dollars) in Inner Mongolia. Once elected, village officials are sometimes able to recover the election expenditure through land deals and some infrastructure projects, the magazine quoted a villager as saying.

Land prices on the outskirts of Hohhot, the regional capital of Inner Mongolia, are soaring as the city searches for more land to accommodate its growing population and industries.

"The expropriation of land by the government results in huge sums of compensation being granted to the village committee," said a villager named Li Baoming. "But I have no idea where the compensation money has gone, since I have received nothing from the village committee."

In Xiaoyi City, Shanxi Province, the local government has failed to supervise the activities of village officials who have the final say on the village's budget and spending. These local village committees lack transparency and democracy, the magazine quoted Xue Houhua, a local official, as saying.

Those who have been successful in the village elections have to recover their spending through taking bribes or skimping villagers, Qiao Wangwang, a villager in Qian Luojiaying Village, Xiaoyi, said.

Election-related bribery is rampant due to the low cost of bribery and lack of relevant laws to curb such illegal activities, the Outlook magazine cited law experts as saying.


The Taishi Village Incident

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In Chinese Uprisings, Peasants Find New Allies - Protesters Gain Help of Veteran Activists
By Edward Cody
Foreign Service
The Washington Post
November 26, 2005


[You can check the threads of an BBS (chinese) here for more info about The Taishi Village Incident. Or, here [ESWN] and here [Simon World] in english.]

GUANGZHOU, China -- By the time Lu Banglie drove toward the village of Taishi that night, his photograph had already been distributed to local police stations. So when camouflage-clad men guarding the village entrance stopped his taxi and peered inside, Lu recalled, they immediately shouted, "It's him! It's him!" and yanked him out by the hair.

After dragging him to the side of the street, the guards set on Lu, kicking him and punching him until he passed out, according to Lu and his companions. When Lu regained consciousness more than two hours later, he said, his body was bruised and hurting, his clothing smelled of urine, he was vomiting repeatedly, his vision was blurred and his memory had gone fuzzy.

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China's Environmental Movement

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By Dale Wen
An excerpt from "China Copes with Globalization: A Mixed Review"
International Forum on Globalization

Since the early to mid 1990s, the Chinese government has allowed environmental NGOs to proliferate. Presumably, it hopes that these NGOs can fill in a gap in public education and address the country's pressing environmental problems. Environmental NGOs have rapidly moved into the newly opened political space. Right now, environmental NGOs are probably the most active participants in China's emerging civil society. About 2,000 of them are officially registered as environmental NGOs, and perhaps as many are registered as business enterprises or not registered at all. Many international environmental NGOs, like the Nature Conservancy, Conservation International, World Wildlife Fund, or Greenpeace, have established offices in China as well.

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China’s Social Unrest: The Story Behind the Stories

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By Albert Keidel
Carnegie Endowment
Policy Brief No. 48, September 2006


[Albert Keidel is a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.]

China’s market reforms have led to a boon in economic choice, but the nation faces ever-widening and sometimes violent social unrest. U.S. policymakers might infer that growth in protests and demonstrations implies a burgeoning democratic movement. However, China’s social unrest overwhelmingly reflects unavoidable and narrowly parochial side-effects of China’s successful reforms and rapid growth, side effects worsened by local corruption. In a new Carnegie Policy Brief, China’s Social Unrest: The Story Behind the Stories, Senior Associate Albert Keidel explores the consequences of a rapidly changing economy on China’s record of unrest.

Increased social unrest could, nevertheless, undermine China’s leadership effectiveness, and Communist Party officials are raising alarms about national security risks. Since 1993, reports of “mass disturbances” in China rose by nearly 10-fold. In his Policy Brief, Keidel identifies root causes for this social unrest -- price reforms that disenfranchise subsidized urban groups, state enterprise layoffs, investment shifts away from traditional industrial centers in the interior towards coastal locations, rural-to-urban migration, urban growth’s expropriation of farmland, and failures in compensation schemes. Keidel suggests that efforts to combat corruption coupled with further reforms to strengthen dispute resolution tools could mitigate social unrest.

Keidel also prescribes a proactive role for the U.S. in improving international understanding of China’s reform challenges by facilitating China’s participation in international policy conclaves like the G-8. Two-way exchanges on the nature of unrest and steps for handling it could help China reduce its reliance on draconian measures.

Full Text (PDF)

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Retrial of Blind Human Rights Advocate Chen Guangcheng

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China orders surprise retrial for blind activist
Reuters
Oct 31, 2006


[Click tag of Chen Guangcheng for more about the case.]

BEIJING (Reuters) - China overturned a guilty verdict against a blind human rights activist and ordered a retrial in a controversial case that galvanised domestic and international criticism of the country's legal system.

A lawyer for Chen Guangcheng said he was told on Tuesday that an intermediate court, in a surprise about-face, had overturned the verdict and had ordered a new trial by Yinan county court in the eastern province of Shandong.

Chen was sentenced in August to four years and three months in jail for destroying property and disturbing traffic in a village protest.

Rights activists said the unexpectedly heavy sentence indicated officials were clamping down on "rights defenders" -- a growing network of lawyers, academics and dissidents seeking to expand freedoms through litigation and Internet-driven campaigns for legal reform.

"The case will now go back to the Yinan county court," lawyer Xu Zhiyong said by telephone.

"This shows the original verdict was seriously flawed, as we argued at the time. But now the problem is whether the new trial will recognize that and the court will reject its own previous verdict," Xu added.

Another lawyer involved in the case said Chen was still in jail and that a result from the new trial could not be expected for another one to two months.

"Hopefully in the next few days we'll get to see him," Li Subin told Reuters.

TRUMPED UP CHARGES?

Chen had gained an international reputation as an outspoken activist after criticizing local officials for enforcing harsh population control measures, including forced abortions.

His family and lawyers maintained the charges were trumped up to silence him and he appealed against the August 24 verdict and sentence.

Hu Jia, a Beijing dissident now under house arrest, welcomed the court's decision, but warned against being overly optimistic.

"Prior to this, every development had been worse than the last, but this judgment has put a stop to that trend," Hu said by telephone.

He added that China may be trying to divert international attention away from its poor human rights record, especially as it gears up to host a large summit on Africa, and said the final outcome of Chen's case may still not be favorable.

"It is still too early to say that we have won this case," Hu said. "We are certain that history will make a fair judgment."

The Hong Kong-based Information Center for Human Rights and Democracy said Chen's case raised hopes that an appeal by Ching Cheong, a Chinese-born Singapore reporter jailed in China on spying charges, may also be successful.

Chen, who was tried without his lawyers present, had educated himself in the law and campaigned for farmers' and blind citizens' rights.

At a July hearing that was canceled at the last minute, supporters of Chen said they were beaten by police and hired thugs.

"Abuse, beatings, detentions of his lawyers, continuing harassment of anybody who tried to help him, including his wife and family -- why should a civilized country do this?" Jerome Cohen, a China legal scholar and professor at New York University, said in Beijing earlier this week.

(Additional reporting by Ben Blanchard and Lindsay Beck)


China's Internal Crisis

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By Stephen Glain
The Nation
May 1, 2006 Issue


It is a measure of how all-consuming the Bush Administration's quest to transform the Middle East is that this week's visit by Chinese President Hu Jintao will be denied the spotlight it deserves. While Afghanistan smolders, Iraq burns and Iran shuffles into America's cross-hairs, only a handful of constituencies understand or seem to care that Washington's relationship with Beijing is vulnerable to manipulation by the Pentagon.

The Defense Department has met its long-term enemy, and it is China [see Michael T. Klare, "Revving Up the China Threat"]. The Pentagon's latest budget, together with its Quadrennial Defense Report released in February, heralded the Yellow Peril in support of every manner of cold war-era weaponry, from the Virginia class nuclear submarine to the F-22 Raptor fighter jet. Even Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld has tried to limit, or even kill, some of these programs. And while thoughtful parties in Beijing may understand that these outdated systems are nothing more than job mills for key legislative districts, it gives hawks in China leverage to push for their own arms buildup.

The Pentagon's vision of China as a dangerous hegemon diminishes the farther one gets from the Beltway Biosphere. In the Middle East and Africa, the Chinese model for economic development--autocracy that mutes political freedoms in exchange for commercial expression--is embraced far more eagerly than Bush's prodemocracy crusade. In Asia, US allies like the Philippines, South Korea and even Australia are aligning themselves closer to Beijing, or at least hedging their bets. Only Japan has remained in lockstep with Washington--boosting its own military budget, adjusting its laws to allow the US forces it hosts greater autonomy and whipping its population generally into a Sinophobic frenzy that sits just fine with hawks in Washington.

But nowhere does the image of China as the Next Big Threat jar with reality more than in China itself, where economic, social and environmental upheaval has turned the country into a caldron. For now at least, the Chinese regime is a greater threat to its own population, unmoored and angry, than it is to the United States or even its neighbors. Popular unrest is now a common feature of China's political landscape, with more than 74,000 reported cases of unrest in 2005, according to an official count. The same economy that has grown by nearly 10 percent a year for the past twenty-five years has also become a perilous source of discontent.

Take the December riots in the southern Chinese city of Dongshan, when riot police fired on villagers as they protested the seizure of their land to make room for a power plant. Some twenty people were killed, according to witnesses, in the first such lethal show of force since the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989. The clash in Dongshan was only the latest in a running nationwide feud between local authorities and angry Chinese uprooted or marginalized by the country's unbridled economic expansion. Just last week, violent protest erupted in Bo Mei, a village in southern Guangdong province, when authorities tried to destroy unauthorized water dikes. Some two dozen people were wounded in clashes with riot police.

While the Bush Administration inflames the Muslim world, Beijing confronts its own fires ignited by an increasingly cutthroat and corrupt economy. National income has risen dramatically since China adopted free-market reforms in the late 1970s, but so has income disparity. The country is straining under an urbanization drive that in the past two decades has eliminated some 135 million rural jobs and has turned much of China's cities into ghettos for uneducated migrant workers. A number of credit cooperatives have failed, taking the meager savings of itinerant laborers down with them. Privatization of state-owned companies and appropriation of farmland for mushrooming urban communities have been exploited into asset grabs by colluding apparatchiks.

The northeastern Rust Belt province of Liaoning, the foundry of Chinese Communism, is now its epicenter of unrest. According to official police figures, one in twelve major demonstrations in China last year occurred in Liaoning, the consequence of a privatization program that left in its wake an angry legion of pink-slipped engineers, line managers and office clerks.

"Liaoning has by far the highest number of protests in China," says Murray Scot Tanner, a senior China analyst at the Rand Corporation. "And we've actually seen an increase over the last couple of years."

Pretty much everyone of working age in Shenyang, Liaoning's capital, is a cashiered government employee, and many have been denied their pensions. They earn the equivalent of about $2,000 a year, well above the national average of $1,300 but absent the health coverage and other benefits they enjoyed working for the state.

Li Zi Zhong lost his job at the Shenyang City Metal Works after it was privatized in 1998. "It used to be you had guaranteed employment, but no longer," says the 54-year-old Li, who gets by with the help of his daughter, who earns about 700 yuan ($87.50) a month selling art and calligraphy from a tiny stall in Shenyang. "The lower class is suffering due to these free-market changes."

The transfer of Liaoning's state-owned companies and utilities to private parties produced some of China's worst graft on record, with huge factories sold to political cronies for a few yuan. Among the companies liquidated in the past five years was the Shenyang Molding Company, where Cheng Youzhi worked as an engineer for thirty-two years. In 2001 the company was declared bankrupt, relieved of its superfluous workforce and sold to its old director for 1 quai, or about 8 cents.

"The new owners are now rich," says Cheng, who would speak only under a pseudonym for fear of retaliation from municipal authorities. "All the employees were sent home, and then they sold the company, bit by bit. There were demonstrations, but the government would not relent."

Cheng is lucky, however. His pension, though meager, is better than the token buyouts offered to many of his former co-workers. Liu Lianyu lost her job at the Dong City Construction Corporation in 2000 and was given a lump-sum payment of several thousand yuan. She and her husband now sell chickens in one of Shenyang's produce markets, and together they earn about 1,000 yuan a month. That's slightly above the national average, she says, though barely enough for two people to live on in a country where inflation has soared even as government services and benefits have deteriorated--or are denied altogether.

"The pressure and stress is felt everywhere," says Liu.

Around the corner from the market is a curbside scrum of itinerant craftsmen who advertise their services with signs dangling from the frames of their Flying Pigeon bicycles--carpenters, plumbers, housemaids, all for hire by the hour or the day. They are part of the wave of migrant workers who have evacuated China's impoverished villages to find work in its booming cities.

Jiang Xiuyan is a 35-year-old interior decorator from the town of Chaoyang in Western Liaoning. She has been working this curb for several years now, and on a good month she and her husband can make as much as 2,000 yuan.

"Business is not bad," she says. "We can earn an income well above the average, so long as the economy continues to grow."

But what if the economy slows down? Liu looks quizzically.

"I haven't thought about it."


Anti-Graft Storm Rages Through China

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China Xinhua News Agency
Sept 28, 2006

The Chinese government's anti-corruption drive to safeguard the purity of the Party has won plaudits from the public and expectations of cleaner government.

The latest move was the sacking of Shanghai party chief Chen Liangyu on Sunday for alleged involvement in a social security fund scandal, becoming the highest-ranking official to fall in the latest anti-corruption campaign.

The scandal involves the alleged illicit investment of at least a third of a 10-billion-yuan (1.2 billion U.S.dollars) city social security fund in potentially risky real estate and road projects. Before Chen, the city's labor and social security department chief, a district governor and several prominent businessmen were detained for questioning over the scandal.

"The investigation into Chen's case shows how seriously China is taking the fight against corruption," says Wang Yukai, a scholar with the National School of Administration which trains mid-level and senior civil servants.

"The most prominent feature of this round of anti-corruption war is that it has led to the downfall of quite a few high ranking officials, not only in Shanghai, but also in Beijing, Tianjin and Anhui," says Wang.

Chen was also in the 24-member Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the Party's central executive body.

"No matter who and how high-ranking they are, if they have violated party rules or the law, the investigation will be earnest and the punishment severe," said a statement of the central authorities released on Monday.

Gong Weibin, another scholar with the National School of Administration, observes that the ongoing anti-graft campaign also reveals challenges to the Party in a crucial period of social transaction.

"Corruption is not indigenous to China. It's also afflicting the developed countries, and sometimes leads to the downfall of a government," Gong says. "It's necessary to take an iron fist to crack down on corruption, otherwise the Party might lose support from the general public or even support from ordinary Party members." Falling "tigers"

In China, people are used to calling low-ranking corrupt officials "flies" and the high-ranking officials "tigers."

"Since the beginning of this year, we have seen a lot of tiger-beating in the country, instead of merely fly-swatting," Wang says.

Li Baojin, former procurator-general of Tianjin, one of China's four municipalities along with Beijing, Shanghai and Chongqing, was dismissed from his post on charges of "severe breaches of discipline" on Aug. 27. In east China's Anhui Province, He Minxu was dismissed from his post as vice provincial governor on Aug. 25.

In Beijing, former deputy mayor Liu Zhihua was removed from office and put under investigation for "corruption and dissoluteness".

Similar probes have been launched against officials in Hunan and Fujian provinces. "Top Chinese leaders are quite clear that it's a make-or-break fight for the government to win public trust by making substantial progress in rooting out corruption," says Wang Yukai.

"Corruption is still rampant in some fields," warned President Hu Jintao before the Party's 85th anniversary which fell on July 1. He called on the 70 million Party members "never to slacken the fight against corruption even for a second".

Premier Wen Jiabao also urged the Party members to build a clean government through fighting corruption at a conference on September 4, stressing "using power for self interest is absolutely prohibited".

Corrupt officials will be left "clean broke both economically and politically" in the high-pressure fight against corruption, Wu Guanzheng, secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the CPC, writes in an article on the latest issue of Seeking Truth, the party's ideological journal.

In an obvious bid to tighten discipline over officials, particularly those in leading positions, the central authorities issued a rule in August requiring officials to report personal matters, including all property transactions and developments by them or their immediate families.

The rule bans officials from posts that control or supervise any industry or enterprise in which their family members hold shares.

Earlier this year, the State Council and the Party's discipline watchdog announced that clamping down on commercial bribery would be the focus of anti-corruption efforts for some time to come.

"Many officials have been ferreted out in the fight against commercial bribery," Wang says.

System building

The government has laid equal emphasis on building a more effective system of prevention and supervision.

"The most prominent achievement of the anti-corruption efforts since 2003 was not the downfall of corrupt officials, but the improvement of the system for checking corruption," Wang says.

The CPC promulgated three regulations to beef up internal discipline in 2004 alone, marking a new stage of Party building, Wang says.

Meanwhile, disciplinary heads in various departments are no longer selected from inside the departments, but dispatched by the Party's Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, Wang says. "As a result, they would be more independent and effective."

The Central Commission for Discipline Inspection has also been sending task forces, openly or secretly, to various localities to solicit grassroots comments on local high-ranking officials.

"Such comments are generally more substantial and trustworthy than the traditional practice of anonymous letters reporting on official misbehavior," says Wang.

"The government is also active in international cooperation to fight corruption," Wang says.

The country was among the first to ratify the United Nations Anti-Corruption Convention, which went into effect on December 13 last year.

China ratified an extradition treaty with Spain on April 29, the first with a developed country. Before this, China had signed extradition treaties with more than 20 mostly developing countries since 1993.

"The cooperation could reduce the range of corrupt officials' activities," Wang says.

The scholar believes only through system building can the country win a final victory in its prolonged battle against corruption. Public feedback

The new corruption fight has won the support of the Chinese public, who have been avidly discussing the dismissal of Chen.

About 800,000 visitors had read the news about Chen between noon Monday and noon Wednesday on Xinhuanet, operated by Xinhua News Agency.

Thousands left comments along the lines of "heartening", "surprising", "great", "support" or even "This is what the CPC should be doing."

Most people interviewed say the move has satisfied the public.

"It's big news," says a 72-year-old retired worker Zhou Junying in Beijing. "We just hate the corrupt officials. Many people I know are living on a minimum pension of a few hundred yuan."

"The Party's tenet is to serve for the people, but some have degenerated to serve their own interests. They might jeopardize the Party or even the country. The move is timely. We expect and welcome more," says 70-year-old Gao Guishan, a retiree and also a Party member.

"My instant reaction at the news was whether housing prices would slow down," says 28-year-old Yao Lan, an employee in a joint venture in Shanghai. "Just look at the unreasonable housing prices of Shanghai. The officials including Chen should be held accountable for this."

At a press conference on Tuesday, Gan Yisheng, secretary-general of the CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, said the dismissal of Chen had received public support.

"We should learn from the lesson and promote further measures such as transparency in government to check corruption at its source," Gan said.


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