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荒诞者共和

ABSURDIST REPUBLIC

Posts tagged with "Journalism"

Web user arrests in southern China underscore growing official fear of the Internet

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David Bandurski
China Media Project
Journalism and Media Studies Centre, HKU
July 13, 2006


In a further sign of the growing influence of the Internet in China, and growing fears about the technology among local party officials, authorities in the southern city of Xinyi (信宜) apprehended three men accused of circulating "rumors" on the Internet about a serial rapist. Columnist and CMP fellow Yan Lieshan criticized the action today in Southern Metropolis Daily (more from ESWN), saying Xinyi officials showed no apparent concern for their own negligence in failing to issue timely warnings to the public (police have admitted a series of rapes in Xinyi between March 19 and May 31 this year, with a suspect taken into custody on July 3), instead misdirecting their focus to allegedly exaggerated Web postings.
News of the arrest and pending case against the three Web users recalled the recent Haicang PX story in Xiamen, in which city officials said they were mulling local curbs on Internet use after new media played an instrumental role in organizing popular oppositionto a proposed chemical plant in the city. An official from Xiamen's commercial bureau recently told media that "after opposition to the PX project, the government [in Xiamen] felt that content on the Internet should be [more tightly] controlled."
In his editorial, Yan Lieshan said China was "at a crossroads" and that greater acceptance and protection of public speech was needed in order to fight corruption and other evils. "If we want to change the state of affairs under which good cannot stamp out evil, the most effective and economical means is to give citizens a greater right to know, right to speak and right to monitor (知情权、发言权和监督权)," he said.
The key question in the Xinyi Web user arrests is whether netizens should be held personally accountable for the accuracy of their postings. In the Xinyi case, it seems, there was a basis for the postings, and it is Yan Lieshan's contention that, in the absense of official information on the case, it might in fact have been the buzz created by the three Web users in question that "moved the killer to show some restraint" (使犯罪分子有所收敛).
Selected portions of Yan Lieshan's editorial follow:
There's no need for me to conceal the fact that my original intention was to complain of the wrongs against the three Web users [in Xinyi]. But that's not all. I've already used this example to show that there is much greater danger in exposing local scandals. I could find a heap of examples just searching the Internet. I'm talking not just about informing and exposing of illegal activities, but of normal speech concerning local public affairs ...
It goes without saying that there are many abnormal or backward things happening in the political life of our society these days – corruption and bribery, trifling with impunity with [one's official] post. But it's those who inform, who expose crimes that live in fear ...
I'm completely with Professor Cai Dingjian on this point, that media are an instrumental factor in promoting social change, and that the government has a responsibility to respect the media and thereby the will of the people. What needs to be added is that the media he's referring to includes, of course, the new media and the Internet (postings, blogs, streaming video, etc.), including all of those citizens (interactive writers) who provide the media with information, viewpoints and "buzz" (人气).
It could be said that China's social transition is at a crossroads. If we want to change the state of affairs under which good cannot stamp out evil, the most effective and economical means is to give citizens a greater right to know, right to speak and right to monitor.



Chinese Journalist magazine: lessons in propagating a favorable image of the Party overseas

David Bandurski
China Media Project
Journalism and Media Studies Centre, HKU
July 18, 2006


In recent weeks, Party officials have ratcheted up pressure on Chinese media to mind their political P's and Q's in the run-up to the all-important 17th National Congress. For Party leaders, the question of how China can put on its best face as international attention turns to the political session in Beijing now takes on fresh urgency.
This month, Chinese Journalist, a monthly magazine published by Xinhua News Agency that, along with People's Daily's News Line, is responsible for conveying the "management spirit" of state propaganda ministers, ran a piece about how media can convey to the world the great achievements of the Chinese Communist Party -- by employing "the facts", no less.

The piece is written by two senior journalists with the "external division" of the official Xinhua News Agency, a division charged with generating China news for foreign consumption in a wealth of foreign languages.
A partial translation of the article follows. As readers enjoy the arguments, we encourage them to bear in mind that the authors are entirely serious:

"Propagating Well the Image of the Chinese Communist Party"
By Han Song (韩松) and Huang Yan (黄燕)

Chinese Journalist, July 2007
Concerning reports to the outside [world] surrounding the 17th National Congress, Xinhua News Agency's external division (对外部) talks about the news topic of laying out the liberality and openness of the Chinese Communist Party, its closeness to and love of the people
Strengthening the directedness of news reports
In recent years, China's progress in its peaceful development has been rapid, and it has involved itself in the process of economic globalization. A number of politicians in the West, however, continue to harbor prejudices. Stripped to its basics, this underscores deep differences in system and ideology. Given this situation, a major topic as we approach the 17th National Congress becomes how to propagate well the Party's principles of leadership and its guiding policies toward the outside [world], how to propagate well the important position and function of the Chinese Communist Party, how to reflect well the good wishes of our country’s people to uphold harmony and their ardent love of peace.
These past few years we have done a number of good works, meticulously organizing coverage, for example, of the 85th anniversary of the founding of the Party [in China] and the 70th anniversary of the victorious Long March. Reports surrounding the 17th National Congress, it should be said, are of far graver import.
Every Party representative of every congress has had a substantial impact on the progress of China. Western public opinion is observing this [process]. We paid a visit recently to a number of media and foreign people in the capital. They expressed a keen interest in the 17th National Congress, and wanted to understand the actions of the Chinese Communist Party. Some foreign media have made contact with the Party School for interviews, and expressed excitement because restrictions on overseas media were relaxed on January 1 this year. In connection with the 17th National Congress, one issue of particular interest to the outside world has lately been: what does the Party intend to do once it has led the people of China on the path to mightiness? Related to this, how will the Chinese Communist Party meet the challenges that have come with economic and social development? How will China's new top leaders handle relations with the world? Etcetera.
We are faced with the "China Threat" and "China's Responsibility" theories of the West. Assessed objectively, these are questions of Western and Eastern ideology, and they have their origins in the negative effects in the West of the irresponsible comments of a number of cadres. China's economic development has also brought the emergence of a number of new circumstances, such as trade disputes, environmental protection, workers' rights. As for journalists, a number of problems are related to our lack of good faith in doing propaganda to the outside.
Speaking with the facts
In meeting the challenge of reports surrounding the 17th National Congress, the most basic thing is to speak through the facts. Of course, these facts must have newsworthiness, must be balanced and objective.
If, for example, we want to write about the Chinese Communist Party's position and function, the achievements she has made, there are facts that speak directly to this, namely some predictions in the West (or we might call them "curses") that have not come to pass.
Ten years ago, for instance, the West believed the Communist Party couldn't run an economy. Clearly, we have made it around a number of turns, but now China has quite an economic track record. Ten years ago, for instance, the West believed we would make a mess of Hong Kong, and some people believe the Chinese economy would collapse before the 2008 Beijing Olympics. Takes these facts and place them side by side and this will be quite convincing.
And how can we express clearly that China's development is an opportunity and not a threat? It's not enough, I'm afraid, to simply resort to conceptual terms. We should tackle this by beginning with specifics. For example, people wonder where your military spending is going? ... Just send someone to report from the most remote barracks, and let them see how poor our soldiers' lives once were; write about how they raise their own pigs and grow their own crops behind their barracks. This is something I'm afraid American soldiers would find hard to imagine. So, a large portion of military spending has actually gone into improving the actual lives [of soldiers] ...
There are more facts to talk about. For example, concerning the [Party's] closeness to and love of the people, scientific development and democratic politics, there has been no little progress over the last five years, and this has also been a catalyst for economic development. According to one standing committee member of the National People’s Congress, when American representatives made a visit to China and witnessed grassroots elections, they were hugely surprised and said they had never imagined China would have that kind of democracy. Therefore, we can offer specific reports on elections as a part of internal Party democratization (党内民主), including new developments in grassroots building of the Party.
Reports can also be done on the topic of harmony, such as that this is the most welcomed political buzzword since the 16th Party Congress. The raising of the concept of harmony [by President Hu Jintao] itself is progress. When our top leaders make policy decisions, they listen more and more to the opinions of ordinary people, including directly, face-to-face. Also, non-Party people are playing an ever bigger role on the Chinese political stage, etcetera. These are all facts ...
Write human stories about figures in the Party
News reports must have people. The portrait of a ruling party is drawn through specific quotes from Party members.
Here is an example: When Party Chairman Hu Jintao paid a visit to Boeing while in the United States, he received a baseball glove from one of the Boeing employees and gave him a "Western style" hug, upon which the American worker wept, having never imagined Chairman Hu would give him a hug! Based on his being "reared" on Western media, this ordinary American never dared to believe that a Communist Party member would show such a warm and human side ...


Web censorship is failing, says Chinese official

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Jane Macartney
Times Online
July 16, 2007


A Government minister admits that trying to suppress information on the internet "is like walking into a dead end"

The internet and mobile phones have undermined attempts by China’s secretive rulers to control the news, a senior Communist party official admitted today.

He accused local governments of being “too naive” by continuing to suppress damaging information about corruption or about disasters, and urged party members to be more open with members of the public.

Wang Guoqing, a vice minister with the cabinet’s information office said: “It has been repeatedly proved that information blocking is like walking into a dead end.”

He said governments used to believe that they could muffle 90 per cent of all bad news. But this was no longer the case. In the internet age, he said, the party had to become adept at managing and controlling information, rather than covering it up.

Mr Wang cited a recent slavery scandal, when local officials attempted to conceal the used of forced labour at brick kilns in north-central Shanxi and Henan provinces.

Unable to obtain information from local officials, parents whose children had gone missing used the internet to post messages and to seek information. Their improvised campaign revealed that hundreds, and perhaps thousands, of people had been forced for years to work as slaves, and had been beaten, starved and guarded by dogs.

Mr Wang said that keeping the information out of the media spotlight until the scandal was exposed by crusading journalists left the Shanxi government in a vulnerable position.

Yet even after they were exposed for allowing the slavery scandal to continue for many months, authorities appear to be reverting to the time-honoured way of dealing with crises by imposing censorship. State-run Chinese Central Television has been ordered to play down the negative aspects of the scandal and to stress the government’s successes in catching offenders and bringing them to justice. Parents of missing children have come under pressure not to speak to the media.

Zhan Jiang, a media expert at the China Youth University for Political Sciences, said: “It is definitely more difficult for the Government to control information flows these days. The North Korean government can do it but in China it is not so easy.”

But the Communist Party remains wary of a free flow of information. For example, no date has yet been announced for the most important political event of the year – the party’s congress that is held once every five years and when a new central Committee and Politburo will be chosen. Based on past such events, most Chinese are guessing it will be in September or October.

Mr Zhan said China still had a long way to go towards full transparency, but international influence was a factor in greater openness.

He said: “There are people who don’t want the public to know anything negative. Progress takes time. But there are struggles between the forces of openness and of conservatism.”

Reporters Without Borders, the media watchdog, describes the Chinese Government as an “enemy of the internet”. In its annual report in February, it said China used armies of cyberpolice and spearheaded an increasingly sophisticated movement to restrict the internet.

In January, President Hu Jintao said China’s rulers intended to keep as tight a rein on the internet as they did on traditional forms of the media such as newspapers and television.


Blah blah. Why no mention of the democracy march?

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Positive Solutions
2007.07.03


In the main editing room of China Daily there is a wall, upon with the day’s newspaper is displayed for senior editors to add their comments. Predictably it is known as the “wall of shame”.
Usually there is little of interest on the wall. The senior editors will praise stories they like or are widely picked up by foreign media, while stories that contain editing errors or miss crucial information are criticized. Amusingly, stories are often praised for being “timely” – you would think this would not need to be said at a newspaper.

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Going down a news rabbit hole in China

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Peter Ford
The Christian Science Monitor
2007.6.29


Trying to confirm a Web report becomes a lesson in the uses and abuses of news on the Internet.

Beijing. Sometimes you come across a story that sounds too good to be true. When that happens in China, where the authorities keep a tight grip on the media – and when the news first appears on the Internet, a hotbed of intentionally spread lies – I have learned to ask two questions right off the bat.

Is it really true? And regardless of how true it is, why are we hearing about it now?

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Danwei: The media circus when a celebrity dies

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Joel Martinsen
Danwei.org
June 26, 2007


Cross-talk performer Hou Yaowen died of a heart attack in Beijing over the weekend. Hou, son of the even more famous cross-talk master Hou Baolin, was 59.

Hou's sudden, premature death has had domestic media - both online and off - following the story to a degree that prompted entertainment journalist He Dong to mock the media circus on his blog. Here's a translation:

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Protest in China: Mobilised by mobile

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The Economist
Jun 21st 2007


Organised by text messages and internet chats, China's middle classes are daring to protest, and giving the government a fright

INFORMATION technology in China is once again making political waves. In the tropical seaport of Xiamen citizens still talk excitedly about how an anonymous text message on their mobile phones last month prompted them to join one of the biggest middle-class protests of recent years. And in Beijing politicians are scrambling to calm an uproar fuelled by an online petition against slave labour in brick kilns.

Chinese officials have had reason to worry before about the rallying power of the internet and mobile phones. Two years ago they helped activists organise protests against Japan in several Chinese cities. But the government, at least initially, sympathised with those protests. By contrast the demonstrations in Xiamen were directed at officialdom, and the slave-labour scandal embarrasses the government. It involves allegations that officials ignored kiln-owners' use of abducted boys to perform dangerous work. This has triggered a heated online debate about the political flaws that allowed such horrors to happen.

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Democratization and the Dilemmas of Media Independence (2)

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By Craig LaMay*
The International Journal
of Not-for-Profit Law
Volume 8, Issue 4, August 2006


What is Press Independence For?

Framed as a question, the dilemma faced by El Periodico – and for that matter by Nuestro Diario – is this: How are professional news media supposed to sustain themselves financially without giving up or deeply compromising their editorial independence? Again, the dilemma is not unique to developing states; the economics of high-quality journalism currently receives much professional and academic commentary in the United States and Western Europe. What that discussion suggests for developing democracies will depend in the first instance on how one characterizes media "freedom" or "independence." But the social consequences of the dilemma may be particularly worrisome in states where civil society is weak or impaired, where economic stability and security are fragile, and where rule of law is a work in progress – in short, where democratic consolidation is incomplete and large segments of the population have yet to see their lives significantly improved by political transition.

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Democratization and the Dilemmas of Media Independence (1)

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By Craig LaMay*
The International Journal
of Not-for-Profit Law
Volume 8, Issue 4, August 2006


No one can be good for long if goodness is not in demand.
– Bertolt Brecht

Since about the mid-1970s, democratic transitions in Latin America, Africa, Asia, and Europe have occurred with important contributions from the civil society sector, including a broad array of media, not just news organizations but also entertainment and public relations media. The questions still confronting many of these countries is whether their transitions are permanent or passing, and if the former, what obstacles lie in the way of democratic consolidation. Perhaps the largest obstacle, writes Samuel Huntington, is the recognition that "democracy is a solution to the problem of tyranny, but not necessarily to anything else."1 Poverty, ethnic and racial conflict, inadequate economic development, chronic inflation with substantial external debt, and political leaders – many of them former dissidents – who are not fully committed to the democratic ideal of lawful and peaceful transitions of power, all militate against successful consolidation. In transition countries as varied in their political, economic, and cultural experience as Russia, Indonesia, and Guatemala, democracy's hold has been irresolute.

Media assistance is intended in some way to address these problems. For journalists, the idea behind media aid is both obvious and uncontroversial – if a people are to be sovereign, they must be able to receive a wide variety of ideas, to criticize the government and, more generally, to circulate information related to public affairs. "Free elections" do not mean much if the government's opponents have been gagged and their platform banned from public discussion. News media make sovereignty meaningful by acting literally as the medium through which actions taken in civil society find their expression in political and economic society and, eventually, their manifestation in public policy. Official assistance providers – such as, in the case of the United States, the Agency for International Development (USAID) – also endorse the idea that press freedom is a "fundamental" democratic goal,2 but in practice view media assistance as a more instrumental good. Historically it has been associated with efforts to organize and hold free elections, in which the role of media is to provide voters with information about parties, candidates, polling places and times, and so on. More broadly, the purpose of media assistance (and other forms of democracy assistance) is to ensure that other, more traditional forms of development aid are used productively and not siphoned off by corrupt or incompetent governments. Official democracy aid, in other words, is supposed to provide at least some measure of transparency and accountability in international economic development. Private providers of media assistance – for example, non-governmental organizations such as the Open Society Institute (OSI) and the International Center for Journalists (ICFJ) – will often work to advance these goals as contractors with government aid agencies, but they will also emphasize goals of their own, such as promoting civil society, advancing women's rights, and securing the rights of free expression and a free press.

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Hong Kong: Ten Years After The Return To China

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EastSouthWestNorth
31 May, 2007


note: Jimmy Lai is the founder of the Next Media Group, which owns such printed media as newspaper (Apply Daily), weekly magazine (Next Magazine) etc in both Hongkong and Taiwan. Before he entered into the media business, he has sold down all his shares in his listed asset, Giordano - a causal knitwear brand with significant business exposure in the mainland - which he was also a founder, some time after the 1989 Tiananmen incident.

(Apple Daily) Hong Kong Ten Years After The Return To China. By Jimmy Lai. May 30, 2007.

[in translation]

At the time, I was very afraid. People kept telling me that as soon as the People's Liberation Army enters the city, they will arrest the counter-revolutionaries. Someone said 3,000 arrests. Someone else said 400 arrests. Yet someone else said a hundred plus. Even the usually calm and cautious Yeung Wai-hong was semi-credulous about these rumors. I was thinking: even if only twenty or thirty persons are arrested, I must be on that list.

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