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荒诞者共和

ABSURDIST REPUBLIC

Posts tagged with "Media Control"

Web user arrests in southern China underscore growing official fear of the Internet

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David Bandurski
China Media Project
Journalism and Media Studies Centre, HKU
July 13, 2006


In a further sign of the growing influence of the Internet in China, and growing fears about the technology among local party officials, authorities in the southern city of Xinyi (信宜) apprehended three men accused of circulating "rumors" on the Internet about a serial rapist. Columnist and CMP fellow Yan Lieshan criticized the action today in Southern Metropolis Daily (more from ESWN), saying Xinyi officials showed no apparent concern for their own negligence in failing to issue timely warnings to the public (police have admitted a series of rapes in Xinyi between March 19 and May 31 this year, with a suspect taken into custody on July 3), instead misdirecting their focus to allegedly exaggerated Web postings.
News of the arrest and pending case against the three Web users recalled the recent Haicang PX story in Xiamen, in which city officials said they were mulling local curbs on Internet use after new media played an instrumental role in organizing popular oppositionto a proposed chemical plant in the city. An official from Xiamen's commercial bureau recently told media that "after opposition to the PX project, the government [in Xiamen] felt that content on the Internet should be [more tightly] controlled."
In his editorial, Yan Lieshan said China was "at a crossroads" and that greater acceptance and protection of public speech was needed in order to fight corruption and other evils. "If we want to change the state of affairs under which good cannot stamp out evil, the most effective and economical means is to give citizens a greater right to know, right to speak and right to monitor (知情权、发言权和监督权)," he said.
The key question in the Xinyi Web user arrests is whether netizens should be held personally accountable for the accuracy of their postings. In the Xinyi case, it seems, there was a basis for the postings, and it is Yan Lieshan's contention that, in the absense of official information on the case, it might in fact have been the buzz created by the three Web users in question that "moved the killer to show some restraint" (使犯罪分子有所收敛).
Selected portions of Yan Lieshan's editorial follow:
There's no need for me to conceal the fact that my original intention was to complain of the wrongs against the three Web users [in Xinyi]. But that's not all. I've already used this example to show that there is much greater danger in exposing local scandals. I could find a heap of examples just searching the Internet. I'm talking not just about informing and exposing of illegal activities, but of normal speech concerning local public affairs ...
It goes without saying that there are many abnormal or backward things happening in the political life of our society these days – corruption and bribery, trifling with impunity with [one's official] post. But it's those who inform, who expose crimes that live in fear ...
I'm completely with Professor Cai Dingjian on this point, that media are an instrumental factor in promoting social change, and that the government has a responsibility to respect the media and thereby the will of the people. What needs to be added is that the media he's referring to includes, of course, the new media and the Internet (postings, blogs, streaming video, etc.), including all of those citizens (interactive writers) who provide the media with information, viewpoints and "buzz" (人气).
It could be said that China's social transition is at a crossroads. If we want to change the state of affairs under which good cannot stamp out evil, the most effective and economical means is to give citizens a greater right to know, right to speak and right to monitor.



Web censorship is failing, says Chinese official

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Jane Macartney
Times Online
July 16, 2007


A Government minister admits that trying to suppress information on the internet "is like walking into a dead end"

The internet and mobile phones have undermined attempts by China’s secretive rulers to control the news, a senior Communist party official admitted today.

He accused local governments of being “too naive” by continuing to suppress damaging information about corruption or about disasters, and urged party members to be more open with members of the public.

Wang Guoqing, a vice minister with the cabinet’s information office said: “It has been repeatedly proved that information blocking is like walking into a dead end.”

He said governments used to believe that they could muffle 90 per cent of all bad news. But this was no longer the case. In the internet age, he said, the party had to become adept at managing and controlling information, rather than covering it up.

Mr Wang cited a recent slavery scandal, when local officials attempted to conceal the used of forced labour at brick kilns in north-central Shanxi and Henan provinces.

Unable to obtain information from local officials, parents whose children had gone missing used the internet to post messages and to seek information. Their improvised campaign revealed that hundreds, and perhaps thousands, of people had been forced for years to work as slaves, and had been beaten, starved and guarded by dogs.

Mr Wang said that keeping the information out of the media spotlight until the scandal was exposed by crusading journalists left the Shanxi government in a vulnerable position.

Yet even after they were exposed for allowing the slavery scandal to continue for many months, authorities appear to be reverting to the time-honoured way of dealing with crises by imposing censorship. State-run Chinese Central Television has been ordered to play down the negative aspects of the scandal and to stress the government’s successes in catching offenders and bringing them to justice. Parents of missing children have come under pressure not to speak to the media.

Zhan Jiang, a media expert at the China Youth University for Political Sciences, said: “It is definitely more difficult for the Government to control information flows these days. The North Korean government can do it but in China it is not so easy.”

But the Communist Party remains wary of a free flow of information. For example, no date has yet been announced for the most important political event of the year – the party’s congress that is held once every five years and when a new central Committee and Politburo will be chosen. Based on past such events, most Chinese are guessing it will be in September or October.

Mr Zhan said China still had a long way to go towards full transparency, but international influence was a factor in greater openness.

He said: “There are people who don’t want the public to know anything negative. Progress takes time. But there are struggles between the forces of openness and of conservatism.”

Reporters Without Borders, the media watchdog, describes the Chinese Government as an “enemy of the internet”. In its annual report in February, it said China used armies of cyberpolice and spearheaded an increasingly sophisticated movement to restrict the internet.

In January, President Hu Jintao said China’s rulers intended to keep as tight a rein on the internet as they did on traditional forms of the media such as newspapers and television.


China Development Brief: Message from the editor

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Nick Young
China Development Brief
2007-07-12


(China Development Brief is an independent publication established in 1996 to report on social development and civil society in China.)

Yesterday morning news of our current difficulties was injudiciously leaked to international media by a former associate. We had hoped to keep the wraps on this for some time while we tried to mobilise support with the Communist Party and Government of China; but now, alas the news is out, and we are not sure what the result will be.

For those not aware of the basics:-

On July 4 our Beijing office was visited by a joint delegation of a dozen officials from the Beijing Municipality Public Security Bureau, the Beijing Municipality Statistical Bureau, and the Beijing Municipality Cultural Marketing General Legal Implementation Team.

After investigations and interviews lasting around three hours, they ordered the Chinese edition of China Development Brief to cease publication forthwith. The authorities are now deciding what punishment to apply. It appears that initially they were considering a relatively modest fine.

I, as editor of the English language edition of China Development Brief, am deemed guilty of conducting “unauthorized surveys” in contravention of the 1983 Statistics Law, and have been ordered to desist. It was made perfectly clear to me that any report posted on this website (which is run off a UK server) would count as the output of an unauthorized survey.

I have since been interviewed by the police section responsible for supervising foreigners in China, and have sent them a personal statement explaining my situation.

This timing of this is unfortunate. I had decided a year ago that the time had come for me to leave China Development Brief, and we had worked out an ambitious localisation strategy for the English language publishing. I have always argued that it is important to get coherent, informed and independent Chinese voices into international debates about China—rather than those debates being dominated by Western voices that are often ill-informed and unsympathetic to the real difficulties of governing this huge and complicated country—and I hoped that China Development Brief could come to offer the world at large “the best in Chinese thinking on social development, in plain English.” We were about to appoint an expatriate transition Managing Editor with a mandate to develop a high-calibre team of Chinese writers who, at the end of two years, would assume formal ownership and editorial control. On July 3, the day before the police came, we received the last of the donor funding pledges that we needed, and were all set to proceed.

That project is now in grave peril, but I remain open to negotiation and discussion with the Chinese authorities.

Meanwhile, we have removed the subscription form from this site, as we are no longer in a position to guarantee that we will continue for another year. I am afraid that there is no possibility of returning subscription payments, as we have been living a hand to mouth existence for many months, with staff having to take on consultancy work on top of their normal duties in order to pay their own wages, and we have absolutely no reserves.

However, we do have a backlog of unfinished work and, if all else fails, in the coming months I will complete and post at least some of it.

Finally I would like to pay a warm tribute to my Chinese colleagues who have reacted to this series of unfortunate events calmly and courageously.

We remain hopeful that the authorities will recognise the value of their work, and find some way of allowing it to continue.


China Development Brief's Chinese Newsletter Banned

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NGO Website Shut Down in Beijing
Posted by Jeremy Goldkorn
Danwei.org
July 12, 2007


China Development Brief is an online information service about development issues and NGOs in China. It was founded by Nick Young 12 years ago in Yunnan as a print newsletter. He moved to Beijing in 1999 and started a Chinese language version. In 2004, both versions went online.

Subscribers to the newsletters include NGOs, multinational corporations, United Nations and government entities, and journalists. Despite a level of official scrutiny, Young's organization has operating without interference, and he was in the final stages of arranging a handover to his local colleagues and staff, before a planned move back to the UK at the end of the summer.

But on July 4, the nasties came walking though the door. In a written statement, Young explained what happened:

On July 4 our Beijing office was visited by a joint delegation of a dozen officials from the Beijing Municipality Public Security Bureau, the Beijing Municipality Statistical Bureau, and the Beijing Municipality Cultural Marketing General Legal Implementation Team.

After investigations and interviews lasting around three hours, they ordered the Chinese edition of China Development Brief to cease publication forthwith. The authorities appear to be deciding what punishment to apply.

I, as editor of the English language edition of China Development Brief, am deemed guilty of conducting "unauthorized surveys" in contravention of the 1983 Statistics Law, and have been ordered to desist. I have since been interviewed by the police section responsible for supervising foreigners in China.


Why did the nasties move on China Development Brief now? The shut down was probably caused by a number of factors, that may include a recent China Development Brief party attended by more than 300 people mostly in the NGO community, and Young's plans to hand over the entire operation to Chinese citizens after his departure.

In the wake of recent demonstrations in Xiamen against a chemical factory, the nationwide outpouring of anger about the Shanxi brick kiln slaves, and growing citizen concern about pollution, it seems that organizations that enable grass roots networking around social issues will be monitored closely, harassed and shut down.

In a phone interview this morning, Young commented that he had initially wanted to stay hush hush and try to sort the problem out. But someone posted information about the police raid to the ChinaPol listserv yesterday, which is read by many foreign correspondents in China. Within 24 hours, the following articles had appeared on the Internet:

Time blog: Beijing stops the presses
Wall Street Journal: Nick Young's statement, China Closes Newsletter
Middle East Times: China shuts down Web site popular with Western NGOs
Tim Johnson: More pressure on the media
Guardian: China bans influential NGO newsletter
New York Times: China shuts down Western run newsletter

(note: go to source of article for the above media links)


Blah blah. Why no mention of the democracy march?

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Positive Solutions
2007.07.03


In the main editing room of China Daily there is a wall, upon with the day’s newspaper is displayed for senior editors to add their comments. Predictably it is known as the “wall of shame”.
Usually there is little of interest on the wall. The senior editors will praise stories they like or are widely picked up by foreign media, while stories that contain editing errors or miss crucial information are criticized. Amusingly, stories are often praised for being “timely” – you would think this would not need to be said at a newspaper.

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Going down a news rabbit hole in China

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Peter Ford
The Christian Science Monitor
2007.6.29


Trying to confirm a Web report becomes a lesson in the uses and abuses of news on the Internet.

Beijing. Sometimes you come across a story that sounds too good to be true. When that happens in China, where the authorities keep a tight grip on the media – and when the news first appears on the Internet, a hotbed of intentionally spread lies – I have learned to ask two questions right off the bat.

Is it really true? And regardless of how true it is, why are we hearing about it now?

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Danwei: The media circus when a celebrity dies

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Joel Martinsen
Danwei.org
June 26, 2007


Cross-talk performer Hou Yaowen died of a heart attack in Beijing over the weekend. Hou, son of the even more famous cross-talk master Hou Baolin, was 59.

Hou's sudden, premature death has had domestic media - both online and off - following the story to a degree that prompted entertainment journalist He Dong to mock the media circus on his blog. Here's a translation:

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1967: The Explosion Point of Ideology in China

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Bureau of Public Secrets
SITUATIONIST INTERNATIONAL
16 August 1967


“Le point d’explosion de l’idéologie en Chine” was originally published as a pamphlet August 1967, then reprinted in Internationale Situationniste #11 (Paris, October 1967). This translation by Ken Knabb is from the Situationist International Anthology (Revised and Expanded Edition, 2006).

The international association of totalitarian bureaucracies has completely fallen apart. In the words of the Address published by the situationists in Algiers in July 1965, the irreversible “collapse of the revolutionary image” that the “bureaucratic lie” counterposed to the whole of capitalist society, as its pseudonegation and actual support, has become obvious, and first of all on the terrain where official capitalism had the greatest interest in upholding the pretense of its adversary: the global confrontation between the bourgeoisie and the so-called “socialist camp.” This camp had in any case never been socialist; now, in spite of all sorts of attempts to patch it up, it has ceased even to be a camp.

The disintegration of the Stalinist monolith is already manifested in the coexistence of some twenty independent “lines,” from Rumania to Cuba, from Italy to the Vietnamese-Korean-Japanese bloc of parties. Russia, having this year become incapable of holding a joint conference of merely all the European parties, prefers to forget the era when Moscow reigned over the Comintern. Thus the Izvestia of September 1966 blames the Chinese leaders for bringing “unprecedented” discredit to “Marxist-Leninist” ideas, and virtuously deplores the confrontational style “in which insults are substituted for an exchange of opinions and revolutionary experiences. Those who choose this method confer an absolute value on their own experience and reveal a dogmatic and sectarian mentality in their interpretation of Marxist-Leninist theory. Such an attitude is inevitably accompanied by interference in the internal affairs of fraternal parties.” In the Sino-Soviet polemic, in which each power is led to impute to its opponent every conceivable antiproletarian crime, being only obliged not to mention the real crime (the class power of the bureaucracy), each side can only arrive at the sobering conclusion that the other’s revolutionariness was only an inexplicable mirage, a mirage which, lacking any reality, has now reverted to its old point of departure. Thus in New Delhi last February the Chinese ambassador described Brezhnev and Kosygin as “new czars of the Kremlin,” while the Indian government, an anti-Chinese ally of this Muscovy, discovered that “the present masters of China have donned the imperial mantle of the Manchus.” This denunciation of the new Middle Kingdom dynasty was further refined the following month in Moscow by the modernist state poet Voznesensky, who, evoking the menace of a new invasion of “the hordes of Kuchum,” counts on “eternal Russia” to build a rampart against the Mongols who threaten to bivouac among “the Egyptian treasures of the Louvre.”

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1978: Ideology in China

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Martha E. Gimenez
Department of Sociology
University of Colorado at Boulder
1978


The politicization of everyday life and social organization that apparently leaves no room for marginality and social isolation appear to indicate that, in China, ideology plays a unique and exceptional role, unlike that which it plays in capitalist societies. The presence of political ideology not only in political rituals, uniforms, posters, and portraits of theoreticians and political leaders, but also in the speech of the people, in their analysis of everyday affairs and everyday life, is a striking contrast to the self-centered individualistic perspective to which we are used to. Ideology, in China, is not only something people read about in books but something that people seem to consciously live and experience. Consequently, visiting China leads Westerners to find obvious and radical contrasts, in that respect, with their own experience. In my view, however, the differences should not be taken for granted but carefully examined to see whether there are differences at all.

It is my purpose in this essay to first relate my own experience and discuss the meaning of the following activities in which all people in China seem to be involved in one way or another: political work/ideological work/ideological education/propaganda. Secondly, I will explore the differences and similarities in the role of ideology in China and in capitalist societies.

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Hong Kong: Ten Years After The Return To China

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EastSouthWestNorth
31 May, 2007


note: Jimmy Lai is the founder of the Next Media Group, which owns such printed media as newspaper (Apply Daily), weekly magazine (Next Magazine) etc in both Hongkong and Taiwan. Before he entered into the media business, he has sold down all his shares in his listed asset, Giordano - a causal knitwear brand with significant business exposure in the mainland - which he was also a founder, some time after the 1989 Tiananmen incident.

(Apple Daily) Hong Kong Ten Years After The Return To China. By Jimmy Lai. May 30, 2007.

[in translation]

At the time, I was very afraid. People kept telling me that as soon as the People's Liberation Army enters the city, they will arrest the counter-revolutionaries. Someone said 3,000 arrests. Someone else said 400 arrests. Yet someone else said a hundred plus. Even the usually calm and cautious Yeung Wai-hong was semi-credulous about these rumors. I was thinking: even if only twenty or thirty persons are arrested, I must be on that list.

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