荒诞者共和

Few people expected that Hu would actually succeed Jiang, especially after Deng passed away in early 1997. Since he was not a member of the so-called "Shanghai clique" headed by Jiang, it was thought that Hu would more likely be eased out of the Politburo Standing Committee after Deng's death, a typical political power play in the communist-style regime to get rid of one's potential challenger.

But not only did Hu manage to crush plot after plot to derail his political future, but also made steady progress inside as well as outside of the Standing Committee, lining up support, especially among the party's elder statesmen, for his eventual takeover when Jiang retired. In 2002, he smoothly succeeded Jiang as the CCP's new general secretary in the 16th Party Congress, and subsequently was dispatched to visit the White House, signaling to the world that Jiang would completely retire soon and Hu was ready to take over the helm.

A catch phrase of "who is who (Hu)" was circulated during his US visit, as the news media there tried to size him up without a success. After his visit, Hu remained a political enigma in the eyes of the US public.

On March 15, 2003, Jiang passed the state presidency to Hu without the slightest opposition, though Jiang did not give up his last but very powerful post as chairman of the CCP's Central Military Commission (CMC) until September 2004.

If the entire world was frozen at that particular date, Hu had already made history in China: rarely in the long and treacherous history of the country had a peaceful transfer of power taken place without bloodshed. In addition, the fact that Hu was able to thwart every plot imaginable against him during his 11 years as heir-in-the-waiting was a tremendous achievement itself.

How Hu managed to persuade Jiang and his Shanghai clique to hand over the powerful posts of CCP general secretary in 2002, president of People's Republic of China in 2003, and chairman of the CMC in 2004 is a testimony to his perseverance, determination, discipline, shrewdness, and political agility.

When he first took over the helm in 2003, the Chinese people as well as the rest of the world had no clue of the man, his political ideas, domestic agenda, foreign policies, ruling style, and so on. Up to that time he had left almost no trails to be analyzed as a base to predict his future directions. He is a man of few empty words, preferring to let actions speak for him.

Between 2003 and the present, Hu has piled up tens of thousands of impressive kilometers of travel, more than any of his predecessors within the same time period. Domestically, he visited hundreds of remote villages, small towns, construction sites, military bases and installations, schools, local governments, hospitals, and community centers.

He mingled well with peasants, factory workers, retirees and students. He has been called "elder brother Hu" by millions of Chinese Internet users, a nickname denoting a strong sense of camaraderie and bonding; it is a genuine rarity in Chinese politics that the nation's president can be identified as a "brother".

Internationally, Hu has paid state visits to several dozen countries, lavishly doling out economic assistance without strings attached, signing trade agreements based on mutual needs, and offering technical assistance, especially in infrastructure construction, without getting involved in local politics. In some poor countries, especially on the Africa continent, he was hailed as a new descending "messiah".

Under Hu's administration, ably complemented by Premier Wen Jiabao, the reputation of China has soared to new heights. Never before in the history of mankind has a nation been under such tight scrutiny and attention by the rest of the world community, targeted for international intrigues and plots, mingled with jealousy, propaganda, innuendo, and outright lies about the Hu-Wen government, its policies, directions, and accomplishments.

The US press in general has been unfairly critical of Hu, often with biased reporting and commentaries. Last year, the Wall Street Journal ran an article describing Hu as weak, indecisive, and a shallow head of state at best. Yet the Hu-Wen government is riding high in popularity, with a more than 80% approval rate in China.

Under Hu's government, China's foreign-currency reserve has exceeded the US$1 trillion mark, never achieved by any other nation on Earth. Furthermore, last year, China hosted an African summit and a Southeast Asian conference, with more than 50 heads of state attending. Even in its heyday, the US couldn't muster such an awesome display of prestige. It makes one wonder what the author of the article in the Wall Street Journal has to say this time around.

Let's carefully examine Hu's achievements for the past four years, to appreciate this unique and gifted once-in-lifetime politician. What has separated him from his predecessors and contemporaries around the world are as follows:

The SARS crisis. Severe acute respiratory syndrome broke out in China in 2003, shortly after Hu succeeded Jiang. At the outset, China was seemingly unprepared for the epidemic, and was accused by the World Health Organization of willfully underreporting SARS cases. Hu swiftly replaced China's minister of health, Zhang Yongkang - a Jiang protege - along with Beijing mayor Meng Xuenong, Hu's own man, and put the nation's resources toward the national effort to fight SARS.

The Hong Kong political crisis. In 2003, the Hong Kong government endeavored to pass anti-sedition legislation in the face of massive opposition from Hong Kong people. The Chinese central government publicly voiced its support for chief executive Tung Chee-hwa, but quietly worked toward his removal from the office. The legislation was withdrawn, the chief executive replaced, protests died down, normalcy returned. Many believed that the entire crisis was handled with dexterity and thoroughness, typical of Hu's quiet style. Hu remains a popular figure in Hong Kong today.

The Anti-Secession Law. China's strategy for confronting Taiwan's independence movement has long been a show of force through military exercises held when there was a presidential election to be held in Taiwan. Time and again, military intimidation had produced the exact opposite effect, resulting in the ultimate victory of the Democratic Progressive Party, diehard advocates of ultimate independence.

The Hu-Wen government swiftly adjusted its strategy shortly after taking over the helm. The Anti-Secession Law was enacted in 2005. It stipulates that China reserves the right to use force to prevent de jure independence but also states that as long as Taiwan doesn't declare independence, it won't be attacked by the mainland. This is a stance consistent with the United States' national interest and that of the rest of the the world community.

As a result, whenever Taiwanese President Chen Shui-bian provokes the mainland by announcing an intent to hold a referendum for independence, by applying for United Nations membership or by amending the existing constitution to change Taiwan's official name, it also becomes the responsibility of the US, often assisted by the European Union and the UN, to do the necessary damage control, not just China alone.

Maintaining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait is something China can live with comfortably for the time being, while it continues to modernize its military capabilities and sustain its economic growth. No doubt, in the opinion of this author, the Hu-Wen government deserves high marks for implementing this brilliant strategy.

Harmonious society. As a result of recent years' rapid economic growth, especially in the coastal provinces, the gap between the rich and the poor in China has widened to an alarming degree, bringing disorder, corruption, street crime, and environmental hazards with no relief in sight. Concluding that some drastic actions have to be taken before the very foundation of the nation was eroded, the Hu-Wen government in 2004, among other things, introduced the concept of harmonious society and called for a national moral restoration. This is a long-term process and it may take decades before its effects can be felt.

International standing. Under Hu's and Wen's leadership, China's international standing has reached a new plateau, winning new friends and admirers. Its status as a responsible stakeholder has been certified time and again, as evidenced by its leading role in handling of the North Korean crisis, by its lavish but prudent investments and economic assistance on the African continent, and by its dominance in consumer-goods production for the entire world, the US in particular, enabling the latter to control otherwise rampaging inflation.

China has earned the title of worldwide infrastructure builder, making its industrial-power presence felt around world. These are by no means small achievements, and they came into full fruition only within the past few years. Attacks by the West on China's religious persecution and human-rights violations are declining, replaced by the persistent rumors and innuendos of China's military threat to the world and the US in particular, and by China's overtaking the US as the leading economic power by 2020.

The inevitability of that is, of course, subject to speculation and interpretation, but the facts remain that the Hu-Wen government has fundamentally changed the world's view on China and changed the world as well, something that is truly unprecedented in the history of mankind.

Firmly in control
There is no denying that Hu has his share of critics and detractors, especially within China, who constantly plot for his sudden downfall. Yet to the consternation of his foes, he remains immensely popular among Chinese people. Thanks to the advent of the Internet age, his successes as well as failures since he took over the helm are an open book that has been fully exposed for scrutiny not only by the Chinese people but also by the whole world. Adding up the pluses and minuses of his administration, its totality is still mighty impressive and will definitely put the rest of the world to shame.

On the eve of the CCP's 17th National Congress, rumors flew portraying the Hu-Wen government as being in an intensive internal dogfight to control the meeting. These are unsubstantial stories, aimed at creating political instability in China. Yet all indications point to the contrary, that Hu and Wen are in firm control of the agendas and directions for the next five years and possibly beyond, reflecting the will of the Chinese people to award a second five-year term for a job well done.

Michael Chang was born in Shanghai and grew up in Taiwan. He earned a master of business administration degree from San Francisco State University. He is owner/president of General Realty and Investment Inc in California. He can be reached at mttchang@verizon.net.