Authenticity and Blackness
Friday, 30. June 2006, 14:07:44
Authenticity and authority are the concepts by which a people define and maintain themselves. Authenticity refers to the generally recognized and accepted behavioral practices and beliefs of a people. Implicit in this notion of authenticity is that a people self-identify, and therefore share certain values and practices as indicative of membership. Authority refers to the institutions of those people which define traditional and acceptable behavioral practice for the group.
By way of example, the authentic American is white. Six in ten Americans self-identify as white. National institutions of commerce, travel, politics, and trade portray the typical American as white. Non-white Americans typically have other descriptors attached to their identities: Native American, Mexican-American, and Asian-American. In fact, many non-white historical figures are not remembered as Americans at all: Sitting Bull, Crazy Horse, Nat Turner, and Malcolm X. The context in which these warriors were great precludes their identification as Americans. Whites, conversely, are generally referred to without reference to a European cultural base. Thus, Norman Schwartzkopf is not considered a German-American. He is merely American. While American authenticity is uniformly expressed as “white,” the authority is spread across many institutions:
•The institutional authority in politics is made up of a complex system of international, federal, state, and local networks. Political networks include multinational corporations (Bechtel, Microsoft), Congressional representatives, judges, legislators, and the armed forces, and law enforcement.
•Financial authority is signaled from the institutions of New York City’s Wall Street. Financial networks include commercial banks, savings banks, savings and loan institutions, financial service corporations, multinational corporations (Goldman Sachs, Merrill Lynch), and the Federal Reserve Bank.
•“Hollywood,” the home of commercial television and filmmaking, is the definitive source of American cultural authority. Cultural networks include multinational corporations (Time Warner, Cap Cities), media magnates (Turner, Murdoch, et al.), television networks, cable networks, theatre companies, schools, universities, and colleges, museums, spiritual centers (temples, mosques, churches, synagogues, etc.)
The dynamism of the American polity, notwithstanding, traditional images of America endure domestically and internationally. The authentic Muslim continues to be represented as Arab. The authority is in Mecca. For Catholics, the representations are as white as DaVinci’s paintings, and the authority is at the Vatican. Authority is as important as the perception of authenticity. It is clear that religious traditions like Islam and Catholicism require clear lines of authority. Therefore, propriety as a Muslim or Catholic is not only associated with tradition, but with the current practice espoused in a living institution (Mecca or the Vatican).
Blacks continue to live in America as adjuncts with only secondary claims to authenticity and no claims to authority. In some scenarios, individual Blacks are given opportunities to serve as surrogates of a non-Black entity. Witness Colin Powell as surrogate soldier for authentic American interests. Colin Powell is an American, without hyphen - without question. The context of his soldiering is not related to America’s racial conflict. Thus, Powell is more successor to Crispus Attucks than to men like Nat Turner, Gabriel or Denmark Vesey.
A people who are adjuncts or surrogates are best identified with a hyphen. The hyphen represents a connection to some greater entity. The recent shift in identity from ‘Black’ to ‘African-American’ suggests an implicit acceptance of Black marginality. Moreover, from a grammatical standpoint, the order is suggestive of powerlessness. America represents a powerful authoritative entity, of which Blacks are not authentically a part. Culturally, African icons and traditions are ritually ridiculed. Economically, American Blacks earn less than seventy cents on the dollar earned by whites. Blacks remain an underrepresented political group. In 1997, only one Black Senator served in the American Congress. African Americans are a marginalized group.
“African-American” is an answer to the question, “What kind of an American are you?” Africans, once abducted (1619) and then emancipated (1863), were made “American” by an act of the Congress (1865). Citizenship was not gained by referendum, nor did the creation of Black citizens reflect the popular will of authentic (white) Americans. Citizenship was imposed by political and military leadership as an alternative to territorial sovereignty within the borders of the U.S., wholesale relocation in Africa or the Caribbean, or extermination. Therefore, “African-American” remains a contradictory term. The contradiction is only heightened by the visceral contempt of most whites and Blacks for Africa and Africans. American Blacks, and others, have been taught that to “look African” is to look ugly. Doll preference tests performed by psychologist Kenneth Clarke on little girls demonstrated the pervasiveness of anti-Black indoctrination for American youth. Just as young Black children did not wish to associate with Black dolls, their parents typically deny association to the font of blackness - Africa.
Miseducation and alienation notwithstanding, I refer to U.S. born Blacks as American Blacks or American Africans. Continental, Caribbean, Asian, and European Blacks are also identified as such, based on region. Grammatically, the region (America, Caribbean, etc.) modifies the core cultural connection (Black or African) - hence, American African or Caribbean African. Thus culture, not nationality, as is the case with “African-American,” is primary. In the latter instance, it stands to reason that “African-Americans” would find common cause with Irish, German, and Italian Americans versus any connection with Brazilian Africans, Jamaican Africans or Panamanian Africans.
Common cause is not the same as common access to popular culture. It is common access to popular American culture which is shared by African and various ethnic white Americans. The uncommon cause is the distribution of power and resources between African and white Americans. American Africans or American Blacks are more likely to find common cause and common solution with Africans from the continent and throughout the Diaspora.



