macedon - THE MACEDONIANS OF AEGEAN MACEDONIA: A BRITISH OFFICER'S REPORT, 1944

THE MACEDONIANS OF AEGEAN MACEDONIA: A BRITISH OFFICER'S REPORT, 1944 _04

Wednesday, 8. August 2007, 18:12:36

Footnotes:

Andrew Rossos is Professor of History at the University of Toronto.

[1] On the partition of Macedonia see Rossos, A., "Russia and the
Balkans. Inter-Balkan Rivalries and Russian Foreign Policy 1908-1914,"
Toronto, 1981; Stojanov, P., Makedonija vo vremeto na balkanskite i
prvata svetska vojna (1912-1918), Skopje, 1969.

[2] Katardziev, I., Vreme nazreenje. Makedonskoto nacionalno
prasanje megiu dvete svetski vojni (1919-1930), Skopje, 2 vols,
1977, I, chap. I. Katardziev provides the most comprehensive,
valuable and interesting treatment of the Macedonian national
question in the 1920s.

[3] Ibid., I, pp. 85-106; Institut za nacionalna istorija, Istorija
na makedonskiot narod, Skopje, 3 vols, 1969, III, part 13;
Kiselinovski, S., Grckata kolonizacija vo Egejska Makedonija
91913-1940), Skopje, 1981; Mojsov, L., Okulu prasanjeto za
makedonskoto navionalno malcinstvo vo grcija, Skopje, 1954, pp.
207-87; Abadziev, G., et al., Egejska Makedonija vo nasata
nacionalna istorija, Skopje, 1951.

[4] Stavrianos, L. S., The Balkans since 1453, New York, 1958,
pp.517-18.

[5] See, for instance, Kolokotronis, V., La Macedoine et
L'hellenisme, Paris, 1919, p.612; see also Kiriakides, S. P., The
Northern Ethnological Boundaries of hellenism, Thessaloniki, 1955,
p.45. D. Dakin, who supports the Greek claims, admits that 'most of
these Christians spoke Slav dialetcs', and that 'Macedonian slav ...
stood in between, as it were, the Bulgarian and Serbian tongues'.
See Dakin, D., The Greek Struggle in Macedonia, 1897-1913,
Thessaloniki, 1966, p. 17.

[6] Bulgarians claimed them as Bulgarians. See Kunchov, V., Izbrani
proizvedeniia, Sofia, 1970, II, pp. 440-581; Brancoff, D. M.
[Mishev, D.], La Macedoine et sa population Chretienne, Paris, 1905,
pp. 98-247; Rumenov, V., 'Bulgarite v Makedoniia pod grutska vlast',
Makedonski pregled (Sofia), 1941, No. 4, p.90. Among Western writers
who accepted the Bulgarian claims were L. Lamouche, E. Kupher, G.
Weigand.
Serbians claimed then as Serbs or as a 'floating mass' with no
national consciousness. See Ivanic, I., Makedonija i Makedonci,
Belgrade, 1908, p.32; Cvijic, J., Presmatranje o etnagrafiji
Makedonskih Slovena, Belgrade, 1966. In the West the Serbian
standpoint was accepted by L. Villari and E. Bouche de Belle.

[7] Stavrianos, op. cit., p. 518. On the development of Macedonian
nationalism see especially Ristovski, B., Makedonskiot narod i
makedonskata nacija, Skopje, 1983. Ristovski is the leading
authority on Macedonian national thought and development. The two
volumes contain previously published studies on the subject. See
also the following works published recently in the West: Adanir, F.,
Die Mazedonische Frage. Ihre Entstehung und Entwicklung bis 1908,
Wiesbaden, 1979; Dogo, M., Lingua e Nazionalitia in Macedonia.
Vicende e pensieri di profeti disarmati 91902-1903), Milan, 1985; de
Jong, J., Die nationale Kern des makedonischen Problems. Ansatze und
Grundlagen einer makedonischen Nationalbewegung (1890-1903),
Frankfurt, 1982.

[8] See Kiselinovski, Grckata kolonizacija, pp. 15, 36,37.

[9] Rumenov, op. cit., p. 90.

[10] Kiselinovski, Grckata kolonizacija, pp. 78-80, 90.

[11] I bid.

[12] I bid., pp. 96-97, 107.

[13] I bid., pp. 95, 96; Kofos, E., Nationalism and Communism in
Macedonia, Thessaloniki, 1964, p, 48.

[14] Kiselinovski, Grckata kolonizacija, p. 108. See also Abadziev,
et al., Egejska Makedonija, pp. 324-25; Vlahov, D., Makedonija.
Momenti od istorijata na makedonskoit narod, Skopje, 1950, p. 345.

[15] Koselinovski, Grckata kolonizacija, pp. 53, 90, 128.

[16] See note 3.

[17] I bid. See especially Kiselinovski, Grckata kolonizacija, pp.
113 ff.; see also Risteski, S. Sozdavanieto, na souremeniot
makedonski literaturen jazik, Skopje, 1988, pp. 88-103, and
Poplazarov, R., 'Sotsial' noe i natsional 'no-osvoboditel' noe
dvizhenie Makedontsev v Egieskoi Makedonii s 20-kh po 50-e gody XX
veka in A. Matkovski, ed., Macedoine, Skopje, 1981, pp. 421-41.

[18] On the Comintern and the Macedonian question, see Katardziev,
op. cit., I, part 3 chap. I; Troebst, S., Die 'Innere Makedonische
Revolutionare Organization' als Objekt der Einheitsfrontstrategie
von Komintern und Sowietrussuscher Diplomatie in den Jahren 1923-24.
Magister Hausarbeit, Free Universirt, Berlin; Barker, E., Macedonia.
Its place in the Balkan Power Politics, London, 1950, pp. 45-77.
On the CPG and its attitudes to the Macedonian national question,
see Kiselinovski, S., KPG i makedonskoto nacionalno prasanje,
1918-1940, Skopje, 1985; Kirjazovski, R., ed. KPG i makedonskoto
nacionalno prasnja, 1918-1974, Skopje, 1982. See also Papadopoulos,
J., 'Od borbata na makedonskiot narod vo Egejska Makedonija',
Razgledi (Skopje), XXVIII, 1976,9, pp. 152-55, and 'Od aktivnosta na
VRMO (Obedineta) vo egejskiot del na Makedonija Razgledi, XXXI,
1979, 1-2, pp. 108-17.

[19] Popovski, J., ed., Makedonskoto prasanje na stranicite od
"Rizospastis" megiu dvete vojni, Skopje. 1982, pp. 5-11.

[20] See, for instance, O Neos Rizospastic, 19 August 1933, 700, p.4;
Rizospastis, 23 May 1934, 71 (7008), p. 2, and 22 July 1934, 130
(7067), p. 4.

[21] Rizospastis, 2 September 1934, 192 (7129), p. 1; 3 October
1934, 203 (7142), p. 5; 13 October 1934, 213 (7151), p. 3; 30
Janurary 1935, 319 (7257), p. 1; 3 August 1935, 400 (7843), p. 4.

[22] I bid., 1 September 1934, 24 (351), p. 3.

[23] The Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (United) was
formed by the left wing of the IMRO in 1925. It was recognized by
the Comintern and accepted as a partner in the Balkan Communist
Federation. Until its dissolution in 1936 it sought to act as a
Communist Party of Macedonia, and in fact attempted to plauy the
part of a Communist-led Macedonian national or popular front. See
Katardziev, I., ed., Predavnicite na makedonskoto delo, Skopje,
1983, pp. 5-56 (Introduction).

[24] Rizospastis, 3 July 1935, 400 (7843), p. 4.

[25] On the Macedonian question during the Second World War and its
revolutionary aftermath in the Balkans, see barker, op. cit., pp.
78-129, and British Policy in South-East Europe in the Second World
War, London, 1976, pp. 184-203; Vukmanovic - Tempo, S., Borba za
Balkan, Zagreb, 1981.
On Greek Communism and Macedonian nationalism during the same
period, see Andonovski, H., Makedonija pod Grcija vo borbata protiv
fasizmot, Skopje, 1968; Pejov, N., Makedoncite i gragianskata vojna
vo Grcija, Skopje, 1987; Kofos, op. cit., pp. 113 ff.

[26] (London) Public Record Office, FO 371/43649, Chancery (Athens)
to Southern Department, 12 December 1944, Enclusure 14, pp.

[27] Mr Gercase Cowell, the SOE Adviser at the Foreign and
Commonwealth Office, London, provided me with the biographical
information on Captain Evans in a letter of 5 june 1989.

[28] Captain Evans states in his Report that he was in the area for
seven and a half months, from March to October 1944.

[29] See, for instance, (London) Public Record Office, FO 371/8566,
bentenack (Athens) to Curzon, 20 August 1923, Enclusure, pp. 4-5.

[30] Guerilla fighter belonging to the EAM-ELAS, the Communist-led
resistance movement.

[31] See FO 371/43649, letter, 1.

[32] I bid., Minute, 13 January 1945.

[33] The place names in square brackets are Macedonian.

[34] The numbers refer to 1:100,000 topographic map of Greece,
Sheets D.IV and DV.

[35] The Megali Idea was the ideology of modern Greek expansionism
and imperialism.

[36] See note 30.

[37] Birth place, native country.

[38] Ilija Dimovski-Goce.

[39] A poltiical officer in the ELAS.

[40] Guerillas belonging to the IMRO of Ivan Mihailov. They
collaborated with the German and Bulgarian occupation forces.

[41] Chairman.

[42] 'Welcome!'

[43] Bulgarian policies and the activities of Bulgarian supported
bands in Aegean Macedonia during the Second World War have not been
adequately investigated.

[44] Svetozar Vukmanovic-Tempo.

[45] Cvetko Uzunovski-Abas.

[46] Kiro Georgievski-Goce.

[47] Ilija Dimovski-Goce.

[48] Naum Pejov.

[49] Georgi Turundziev.

[50] In Early October 1944, before it revolted and crossed into
Vardar Macedonia, on 13 October, the Kostur-Lerin (Kastoria-Florina)
battalion had 1,500 armed men. (Kirjazovski, op. cit., p. 76.) The
Voden (Edesa) battalion, the other Macedonian unit within ELAS,
followed suit and revolted on 16 October. In November, in Bitola,
these two battalions and other armed Macedonians escaping from
Aegean into Vardar Macedonia were organized into the first brigade
of the Macedonians of Aegean Macedonia. It became known as the First
Aegean Brigade and comprised four battalions (ibid., pp. 88-90) with
a reported strength of 4,000-5,000 men. (Barker, op. cit., note 5,
pp. 110-11.) It took part in the final operations of the war on the
territory of Vardar Macedonia and was disbanded on 2 April 1945.
During the Civil War in Greece many, if not most, of these men
returned to Aegean Macedonia and fought in the ranks of the
Democratic Army of Greece (DAG) (Kirjazovski, op. cit., pp. 85-86).
See also note 57.

[51] 'The year 1944, was momentous in Macedonian wartime history. By
August the first Macedonian Partisan Division was formed, by
November there were seven partisan divisions in the field with a
total of 66,000 troops under arms'. (National Archives (Washington),
R. G. 59, Dec. File 1945-49, Box 812, No. 868.00/4-1249, Cannon,
Belgrade, to Secretary of State, 12 April 1949. See the enclosed
secret report entitled 'The Macedonian Question, Greece and South
Slav Federation', Appendix A ('An Account of Communist Relationships
in the Balkans'), p. 21. See also 'Istorija na makedonskiot narod,
III, p. 442.')

[52] Slav-Macedonian National Liberation Front (Slavjano-makedonski
narodno osloboditelen front).

[53] On the basis of the available evidence it is not possible to
determine the existence, in the summer of 1944, of a formal
organization as SOF (Slavhano-makedonski or Slav-janski
osloboditelen front), Slav-Macedonians or Slav Liberation Front.
SNOF was officially dissolved by the CPG in April 1944 (see note
54). It is conceivable that after that time the term SOF was used by
the Greek leadership in disguise, so to say, to entice Macedonians
into EAM-ELAS.

[54] Considering the time and the circumstances in which Captain
Evans wrote the report, his all too brief assessment of SNOF is
surprisingly accurate and perceptive. Macedonian 'leftists', to use
his well-chosen term, had sought the creation in Aegean Macedonia,
as had already been done in Vardar Macedonia, had sought a separate
Macedonian national liberation movement. In October 1943, the CPG
reluctantly sanctioned the formation of SNOF and SNOV
(Slavjano-makedonska narodno-osloboditelna vojska), Slav-Macedonian
National Liberation Army, as its military army. This Macedonian
version of EAM-ELAS won immediate acceptance; and indeed, widespread
support among the Macedonians. Paradoxically, however, it was this
very success that sealed its fate. The CPG wanted an obedient and
subservient, a token, Macedonian instrument to draw the Macedonians
into the fold of EAM-ELAS and thus away from the various 'free' or
'autonomous' Macedonian bands supported by the Bulgarians and
Germans. It was not willing to tolerate, let alone accept as an
equal partner, an authentic Macedonian movement that enjoyed popular
mass following and this an independent basis of power. Consequently,
from the very outset, while the movement was still in its
organizational stage, the CPG severely curtailed its independence,
restricted and hindered its activities; and, in the end, after a
short existence of only six months, SNOF-SNOV was suppressed
altogether in April 1944.
In the Summer the CPG was forced once again to conciliate the
Macedonian units within ELAS. However, only two battalions were
allowed to come into existence, the Voden (Edesa) in June, and the
Kostur-Lerin (Kastoria-Florina) in August. Their activities were
tightly controlled and their numerical strength was purposely
restricted so that all other Macedonian recruits, old and new, were
forced to serve in regular ELAS units. Relations between the two
sides remained tense and reached crisis proportions by October,
when, faced with the prospect of being liquidated, the two
Macedonian battalions revolved and crossed into Vardar Macedonia.
(On SNOF-SNOV see Kirjazovski, op. cit., pp. 21-33, 67-85; Barker,
Macedonia, pp. 109-12, 116, and British Policy, pp. 195-203. See
also pejov, N., 'Stavovite in praktikata na Gracija sprema
makedonskoto nacionalono prasanje vo tekot na NOV', and Simovski,
T., 'Nekoi momenti od nacionalno-osloboditelnata borba na
Makedoncite od Egejska Makedonija'; both in Apostolski, M., et. al.,
Razvojot i karakteristikite no narodno-osloboditelnata vojna i
revolucija vo Makedonija, Skopje, 1973, pp. 155-74 and pp. 217-41.)
Finally, SNOF was re-established, independently of the CPG and
under the flightly modified name of NOF (Naroden osloboditelen
front), National Liberation Front, as early as April 1945. At the
beginning the CPG was against it; but as the outbreak of the Civil
War approached it recognized NOF and, on 21 November 1946, the two
concluded a unification agreement. Throughout the bloody Civil War
NOF and its auxiliary organizations successfully popularized and
legitimized the Communist cause, as well as the cause of Macedonians
in Greece. According to Kirjazovski, by 13 January 1948, when the
first congress of NOF convened, 10,147 Macedonians were fighting in
the ranks of DAG (kirjazovski, op. cit., p. 118). And C. M.
Woodhouse claims that by mid-1949 the Macedonians comprised 14,000
of the estimated 20,000 strong army (Woodhouse, C. M., The Struggle
of Greece, 1944-1949, London 1976, p. 262). On NOF see Kirjazovski,
op. cit., pp. 102-34; Barker, Macedonia, pp. 118 ff., and the works
by Andonovski, Pejov and Kofos cited in note 25.

[55] Communist Party of Greece.

[56] Southern Albania.

[57] Captain Evans developed an unusually clear understanding of
the complexities of the Macedonian problem. He was fully
conscious that the dominant impulse among the Macedonians was
in favour of a 'free Macedonia'. Although he considered such a
solution to be the 'right' one 'in the abstract', or morally, he did
not think it was 'desirable' on practical grounds. And yet, he could
not put forth another, more practical, clear-cut solution, for he was
only too aware of the many grave difficulties that stood in the way
of any other resolution of the Macedonian question. Hence, his
pessimism about the future, a pessimism which, as subsequent
developments in the Balkans showed, was only too well founded.
The Macedonian question, the central issue that had long divided
the bourgeois Balkan states, had by the time of his prolonged stay
in Aegean Macedonia, also become 'the apple of discord' among the
Communists in the peninsula. The Communist parties of Bulgaria,
Greece and Yugoslavia were locked in a struggle for Macedonia. This
struggle continued in the turbulent aftermath of the Second World War
in the Balkans; through the abortive Yugoslav-Bulgarian negotiations
for a federation, the Civil War in Greece, and the Soviet-Yugoslav
conflicts. Because of the opposing forces involved in this struggle,
and the internal and external complications that ensued, the
Macedonians failed to achieve unification; and they attained
national emancipation only in Vardar or Yugoslav Macedonia. (See the
works cited in note 25.) Thus, the Macedonian problem remained
unresolved and it has continued to divide the Balkan states to the
present day.