Skip navigation.

exploreopera

| Help

Sign up | Help

The Spazz Talks About ..........

Welcome to my Cyber living room.

Sahte dost ve silah tüccarları, sesimizi duyun! - Zeliha Daşıyıcı

, , ,

http://www.yenialanya.com.tr/yazarlar.aspx?KatAd=Yazarlar&KatId=9&YazAdi=Zeliha%20Da%FE%FDy%FDc%FD&YazId=19&MakaleID=11385&YazTek2=918273645


Yeni Alanya
(www.yenialanya.com.tr)
06.10.2008
Sahte dost ve silah tüccarları, sesimizi duyun! - Zeliha Daşıyıcı

Satmayın bu silahları, kahpe döllerine artık! Yaktılar bağrımızı, ateşler tüttü, Aktütün Köyü’nde. Türküler yakıldı Mehmetçiklerimize. Bir acı oturdu yüreğimize, sanki bir nefes olduk. Analar, yasta, babalar yasta, kardeşler yasta, ve bizler karalara büründük. DTP açıklama yapmayacakmış. Nasıl yapacaklar ki, yüzleri var mı? PKK, yandaşlarını bu Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi’ne sokanlar da, onlara oy verenler de utanmalı, utanmak zorundadır. Lanet olsun bu PKK’ya arka çıkanlara! PKK bu kadar içimize sızıyorsa, bu kadar mayınlar döşeniyorsa, bu teröristlere yardımcı olanlar da içimizde değil mi? Yazıklar olsun bu PKK’lı teröristlere arka çıkan, onları terörist olarak kabul etmeyen, TBMM’den maaş alıp yiyenlere yazıklar olsun! Bu güzel ülkenin bölünmeyeceğini, kafalarını kazıyarak mı anlatacağız? Bu hainlerin anaları babaları yok herhalde! Olsaydı uyarırdı. “Kıymayın bu kuzucuklara, ellemeyin analara babalara. Gözyaşlarına boğmayın eşlerini, çocuklarını öksüz etmeyin, kardeş kardeşe kıyar mı?” demezler miydi. Kıydılar! “Biz kahpeliğe ağlıyoruz” diyor şehit yakınları. Bu sözler çok önemli, biz savaşta değildik. Bu son can yakan teröristleri şiddetle kınıyoruz! Arkadan vuranlar kahpedir, bu unutulmasın! Bunlar kardeşlik değildir! Bunlar daha fazla kan dökmek için, kardeşi kardeşe, düşman etmektir. Başarıyorlar, ha gayret, ha gayret, az kaldı, az... Sonunda acı çeken, inanın sizler olacaksınız... Kandırıldınız, dağlara kaldırıldınız, elinize silahlar verildi, kukla oldunuz, kukla! Katil oldunuz, katil! Bu ülkenin suyunu içtiniz, ekmeğini yediniz, haram olsun! Yediğiniz her lokma haram olsun! Sizi kullananlara da yazıklar olsun! Sizin yüreğiniz yok, sizde kardeşlik denen kan bağı yok, sizler bu ülkenin evlatları hiçbir zaman olamazsınız! Olamayacaksınız da! Amerika neredesin? Hani senin istihbaratın? Hani sen güçlüydün? Hani sen PKK’yı düşman ilan etmiştin? Geç bunları Amerika, geç. Bile bile evlatlarımızı hiç ettin. Sen Amerika, sen Talabani, Barzani, Türkiye’nin ve Irak devletinin kuzeyindeki jeolojik yapısı için mi bu şehitleri veriyoruz? Amerika için mi şehit veriyoruz? Amerika ile ittifak içindeymişiz. Bir de bu ittifak olmasaydı ne olurdu halimiz acaba? Neden Amerika gerçeği açıklamıyor? Neden Amerika, Kuzey Irak ve Türkiye’deki değerli madenlerden söz etmiyor? Edemez tabi ki, biz hala büyük bir ittifak halindeyiz ya. Bırakın kardeşim. Bizleri bırakın. Kaç defa söyledik, benim gibi binlerce bayan var. Koşarak gidecek, mayınları elleri ile temizleyecek güç ve yürek var bizlerde. Askerlerimizin önünden gidip, ellerimizle mayınları temizleyelim. Bunlar artık içimizde, kollayanlar artık içimizde! Bu kadar şehit olması artık sosyal bir olay değil. Bu teröristlere kim yardım ediyor? Bu soruya cevap gerekiyor cevap! Ben şahsen bir şehit ailesini ziyaretimde orada bir anneyle tanışmıştım. Bu güzel anne bana şu anda bir oğlu olduğunu ve onun üniversitede okuduğunu, fakülteyi bitirince de askere gideceğini söyledi. Bana dönerek, “Bin bir zorlukla okutuyorum oğlumu. Ya o da askere gidip geri gelmezse” dedi. Bu soruya da teröristleri silahlandırıp, askerlerimizi kahpece öldüren katil ülkelere sormak gerekmiyor mu? Ben de bir vatandaş olarak dünya ülkelerine soruyorum. Bu şehitlerin kararını kim verdi? Yoksa çuvalcı Amerikalı komutan mı yönetiyordu bu katilleri? Onlarca şehidi biz neden verdik? ABD, İsrail, Suriye, Avrupa Birliği, Kuzey Irak hükümeti bu soruyu yanıt vermek zorunda?

(Note: Miss. or Mrs. Zeliha Dasiyici express the sorrow,
frustrations, and out-rage of many of us Turks. tkm)

No Comment No. 735

, , , ...


Et toi, Turquie ?

http://www.cjr.org/the_observatory/energy_and_the_economic_bailou.php?page=all

Columbia Journalism Review

Campaign Desk, The Observatory

Energy and the Economic Bailout Crisis begins
to crop up in recent climate coverage

By Curtis Brainard
Tue 30 Sep 2008 12:37 PM


..." On Sunday, New York Times columnist Tom Friedman, who has predicted that energy will be the “next great global industry,” argued that that the cleaner the plan, the better:
The point is, we don’t just need a bailout. We need a buildup. We need to get back to making stuff, based on real engineering not just financial engineering… Indeed, when this bailout is over, we need the next president — this one is wasted — to launch an E.T., energy technology, revolution with the same urgency as this bailout. Otherwise, all we will have done is bought ourselves a respite, but not a future. The exciting thing about the energy technology revolution is that it spans the whole economy — from green-collar construction jobs to high-tech solar panel designing jobs. It could lift so many boats."...

Crisis on Wall St. ...

Hi Folks,
For people interested in reasons why(aside from hubris, greed, etc,etc..)
the bobble burst in the US watch the bellow. There are two ways you can
watch or hear, I recommend the streaming type for people with slow internet access or you can download either the video(there are slides and graphs) or the audio version.
tkm
-----------------------------

http://uc.princeton.edu/main/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=3513&Itemid=1

University Channel
Crisis on Wall St.
A panel of Princeton economists chaired by Hyun Shin, Professor of Economics and associate chair of the Department of Economics. Panelists: Markus Brunnermeier, Professor of Economics; Harrison Hong, Professor in Finance; Paul Krugman, professor of economics and international affairs; Alan Blinder, Professor of Economics and Public Affairs and co-director of the Center for Economic Policy Studies.

Paper fantasies...


Tayo Fatunla-England


Amjad Rasmi-United Kingdom


Alex Falco-Cuba


Ares-Cuba


Oguz Gurel-Turkey


Angel Boligan-Mexico


Farhad Foroutanian-Holland


Stephane Peray-Thailand


Dry Bones-Israel


Aydınlık insanlar çok dertli - Süheyl Batum

http://haber.gazetevatan.com/haberdetay.asp?detay=Bu_ulkenin_aydinlik_insanlari_cok_dertli_200534_4&tarih=25.09.2008&Newsid=200534&Categoryid=4&wid=45


Vatan

Aydınlık insanlar çok dertli - Süheyl Batum

Kim ne derse desin, kim onları “bir grup azınlık ve elit” olarak göstermeye çalışırsa çalışsın, Türkiye’nin aydınlık yüzleri, aydınlık insanları var. Hem de farklı partilerden, her meslekten, her yaş grubundan, her eğitim düzeyinden. Yani 90’lı yıllarda Refah-Yol iktidarında Susurluk skandalı ortaya çıkmışken, bu “devlet, mafya, siyaset üçgenindeki” rezillikler ortaya çıksın diye ışıkları yakıp söndüren “tertemiz insanları” var. Erbakan bu “tertemiz insanlar” için “onlar glu glu dansı yapıyorlar” diyordu. Ve Erbakan’ın yanındaki Tayyip

Erdoğan’lar, Gül’ler, Arınç’lar, bunu söyleyen Erbakan’ın dizleri dibinde oturuyordu.

***


Evet Türkiye’nin aydınlık bir yüzü, aydınlık insanları var. 1995- 1997 arası, hani Şevki Yılmaz’lar “bu Kemalist düzeni yıkacağız” diye bağırır, insanlara yeminler ettirirken, o Şevki Yılmaz, partisinin Meclis grubunda, ayakta alkışlarla karşılanırken birileri “size bir iğne yapacağız, uyandığınızda her şey değişmiş olacak” derken tüm bunlara karşı çıkan, 29 Ekim törenlerine milyonlarla katılan, “Türkiye laiktir” diye bağıran, Atatürk resmi taşıyanlar. Evet bu aydınlık yüzler var.

Hem de tüm bunlar yaşanırken, “laiklik neden tehlikede olsun, ne yapıyorlar ki, gösterin bize bir gerekçe, değişen bir yasa gösterin” diyen, “ne var ki, neden korkuluyor ki, bundan güzel demokrasi mi olur” diyen, “işte demokrasi böyle gelişir” diye yazan, başlık atan, daha sonra “iktidar partisi kapatılır mıymış, Anayasa Mahkemesi kapatamaz, kapatırsa siyasal karar vermiş olur” diyen, sonunda da AİHM “Refah Partisi’nin kapatılmasını” haklı bulurken, bu karar hiç yokmuş gibi davranmayı yeğleyen ve de o günlerde o olanlara karşı çıkanları da, “laikçilikle, demokrasi karşıtlığı, 28 Şubatçılık” ile suçlayan aydınlara(!) karşın. Yani Deniz Som’un yazısında belirttiği “iktidara yakın olmaktan başka düşüncesi olmayan o 28-30 kişiye” karşın.

***


Bugünlerde bu “aydınlık insanlar” çok üzüntülü. Çünkü Türkiye’nin yıllar boyunca bin bir güçlükle yerleştirmeye çalıştığı, tüm birikimleri, değerleri yok oluyor. Gözlerinin önünde. Ve liberal aydınların(!) yani Başbakan’ın deyimi ile “iktidarın silahşörlerinin” desteğiyle...

1980 öncesinde, iktidardaki Başbakan’ın öz yeğeni, hayali ihracatla suçlanıp Türkiye’den kaçmak zorunda kalmıştı. Daha sonra İSKİ skandalı ortalığı karıştırdı. Çünkü o dönemlerde Türkiye’de bu tür işler ayıp, hukuk dışı sayılırdı. Bugün ise Şaban Dişli ortaya çıkıyor ve iktidar onu sonuna kadar savunuyor. 1 milyon dolar komisyon iddiaları ortaya atılıyor. Ve iktidar bunu savunuyor. Bir anlamda şöyle deniyor: “Ne var, bal tutan parmağını yalar.” Deniz Feneri davasında adı geçen RTÜK Başkanı Zahit Akman hiçbir şey yokmuş gibi davranıyor. Hem de iktidarın desteği, yardımı ile. Şimdi bu ülkenin aydınlık insanları üzülmesin de, kim üzülsün?

***


Almanya’nın bir savcısı ve polis şefi, mahkemede “Türk Emniyetine Deniz Feneri Derneği için eş zamanlı arama yapalım, delillerin karartılmasını önleyelim dedik, bize gerek olmadığı cevabını verdiler, İçişleri Bakanlığı’na sormadan böyle bir cevap vermeleri mümkün değildir” diyorlar ve bu ülkenin liberal(!) aydınları(!) yani Başbakan’ın deyimi ile “iktidarın silahşörleri, paralı askerleri” hâlâ “bizi AB’ye iktidar partisinin sokacağına” inandırmaya çalışıyor. Bu aydınlık insanlar üzülmesin de kim üzülsün?

Ve Alman savcının bile şikâyet ettiği bu “hukuk sistemi”, bu konuda gözlerini yumarken, tek bir şey yapmazken, göz göre göre Kuddusi Okkır’ın ölümüne neden oluyor. Çok değerli iki komutandan birini, ancak beyin kanaması geçirip ölümle pençeleşirken tahliye ediyor. Ve üstelik Tuncay Özkan’ın, Duygu Dikmenoğlu ile İlhan Selçuk ile Nurseli İdiz ile ve Hurşit Tolon ile birleşip darbe yapıp yapmayacaklarını sorguluyor. Buna bizleri inandırmaya çalışıyor. Bu ülkenin aydınlık insanları üzülmesin de kim üzülsün?
--------------------------------------------------
{ The battel is not about love of country, ideology, rule of law or faith, it is between the old group and new in the oligarchy. tkm}

Susturucu! - Güngör Mengi

http://haber.gazetevatan.com/haberdetay.asp?Newsid=200345


Vatan

Susturucu! - Güngör Mengi

Ergenekon in midir, cin midir? Ülkenin demokratik geleceğine ipotek koymuş devasa bir ahtapot mudur?

Kimileri Ergenekon’un Türkiye ve Orta Doğu’da kullanmadığı terör örgütü ve istihbarat örgütü, karışmadığı komplo kalmadığını düşünüyor. Bunu ezbere değil savcının iddianamesine bakarak söylüyor.

Bu düşüncede olanlara göre Türkiye’nin kanlı ve karanlık geçmişindeki meşum olayların neredeyse tümünde Ergenekon’un izini bulmak mümkündür.

Ama bir kesim de şişirilmiş bir masal devine benzetiyor onu.

Tatsız bir gerçek olabilir ama şu anda daha çok siyasi amaçlarla kullanılan, susturucu takılmış bir silâh gibi duruyor.

Sanki iktidar muhaliflerini suçlama kabiliyeti olan bütün pislikler vakumlu süpürge ile toplanmış, bir torbaya doldurulmuş, üstüne de “Ergenekon” yazılmıştır.

Gerçek nerede derseniz, bizce ikisinin ortasında bir yerdedir.

Ve sorunun cevabını adalet verecektir ama nasıl? Siyaset bu konuyu o kadar hoyratça kullanıyor ki, insan ister istemez endişeye düşüyor.

Muhaliflere gözdağı

Ergenekon davası, Türkiye’nin hayaletlerden kurtulacağı, özgür ve güvenli bir geleceğin umuduna kavuşacağı bir arınma süreci olabilir ve olmalı da.

Ama olaylar bu cesareti vermiyor.

Çünkü iktidarın elinde bu soruşturma toplumsal muhalefeti bastırmak için kullanılan bir terör makinesi halini almıştır.

Soruşturmanın ses getiren büyük vuruşlarından biri temmuzun başında emekli orgenerallerin tutuklanması ile gerçekleşti.

Olay o günler, Anayasa Mahkemesi’nde sonuçlanmak üzere olan kapatılma davasına iktidarın misillemesi diye yorumlandı.

Dün de toplumda heyecan uyandıran ve gündemi değiştiren yeni dalga bir gözaltı operasyonu gerçekleşti.

Tuhaf ama şu ara da Deniz Feneri yolsuzluğunun yıpratıcı etkilerinden bunalmış olan iktidarın gündem değişikliği ile nefes almaya ve muhaliflerine gözdağı vermeye çok ihtiyacı var.

Zamanlama şüphe çekici

Dünkü gözaltına alma dalgasında “Biz Kaç Kişiyiz” hareketinin lideri Tuncay Özkan da gözaltına alındı.

Kanal Türk’ün eski sahibi olan Özkan Cumhuriyet Gazetesi yazarı İlhan Selçuk’un gözaltına alınmasından sonra “Mustafa Kemal’in askeri olarak beni götürmezlerse işkence tezgâhlarından geçirmezlerse ben de onların yüzüne tükürmezsem namerdim” diye meydan okumuştu.

Özkan’ın gözaltına ne zaman alınacağı merak ediliyordu.

Bu bekleyişin tam Deniz Feneri rezaletinin ortasında gerçekleşmesi siyasi iktidara olduğu kadar yargıya olan güveni de sarsmaktadır.

AKP hukuk devletine ağır hasar verdi.

Ergenekon soruşturması kapsamında gözaltına alınıp bırakılan tiyatro sanatçısı Nurseli İdiz “Paranoyak oldum. Bir daha cep telefonu kullanmayacağım” diyor.

İktidar, kendisini korumak için Ergenekon’u devlet terörü estirmenin bahanesi olarak kullanacak yerde yargının, adaletin önünü açsın!

Barrel Vision...


Ares - Cuba


Fares Garabet - Syria


Well, son.......



Son: "Daddy this book say's that we went to warwith a nation called Iraq and that nearly half a million where killed by us directly or indirectly and now it's ours.

Father: "well son, we thought we could bring good old American values and our type of Capitalistic Democracy to those rag heads and of course the freedom to drive the 4 by 4 to the bathroom and back to our theater slash living room and it takes a lot to cool and heat, so we need all the Oil that nature gave to us Americans"

Son: but daddy grand dad was born in Baghdad.

Father:" Yes we are Iramericans and be proud of it! (Father mumbling)what does this generation know of walking to the baker's to get some bread"

tkm

***************************

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/23/world/middleeast/23iraq.html

The New York Times


September 23, 2008
Shell Oil Opens Office in Baghdad After 36-Year Absence
By SAM DAGHER

BAGHDAD — Royal Dutch Shell, one of the world’s biggest oil companies, completed a multibillion-dollar natural gas deal with the Iraqi government on Monday and said it had established an office in Baghdad — the first foreign petroleum giant to do so since Iraq nationalized its oil industry more than three decades ago.

The company described its decision to open an office here as a milestone that partly reflected the vast improvement in Iraq’s stability compared with conditions during the worst years of the war. But in a sobering reminder of the underlying dangers of doing business here, the company would not disclose the location of its office, and the senior Shell official who announced the gas deal was accompanied by a phalanx of armed guards.

“We are ready to establish a presence,” the official, Linda Cook, executive director of the company’s gas and power unit, said during a news conference in Baghdad’s heavily guarded Green Zone.

Ms. Cook, who oversaw the signing of the gas deal with the Iraqi government, appeared with Iraq’s oil minister, Hussain al-Shahristani.

The joint venture — to recapture gas that now goes to waste during oil extraction in Basra, in southern Iraq — is the company’s official return to Iraq after 36 years. Shell, along with the predecessors to BP, Exxon Mobil and Total, was among the original partners in the Iraq Petroleum Company before the companies lost their concessions to nationalization as Saddam Hussein rose in the 1970s.

Much of the recaptured gas will go to power stations and industrial sites like petrochemical and fertilizer plants, Mr. Shahristani said.

The signing of the deal was expected; Shell is one of more than 30 foreign companies bidding on long-term contracts for six important oil fields. The winners are to be announced in 2009. A condition for any winning bid set by the Iraqi government is that the company be willing to establish a presence in Baghdad.

Shell was also among a smaller group of Western companies negotiating no-bid contracts to help Iraq increase production from existing oil fields, but the process was suspended earlier this month following criticism from several United States senators.

Mr. Shahristani praised the gas joint venture, which will be 51 percent-owned by the Iraqi government through the South Oil Company and 49 percent by Shell, as a step to address Iraq’s chronic and crippling power shortages.

Besides their economic implications, the power problems have become a highly charged political and emotional issue for Iraqis. .

The deal with Shell came on the heels of another $3 billion agreement with China to develop the Ahdab oil field in the south, which was signed last month.

Eleven people died in violence on Monday, and the American military said a soldier had been killed by small-arms fire in Baghdad on Sunday.

In Diyala Province, two people driving in a car were killed when a roadside bomb was detonated near their car, according to police officials in Baquba, the provincial capital.

In Hamam Al Alil, a town about 10 miles south of Mosul, five children were killed and three were wounded when their soccer ball hit a roadside bomb on the street where they were playing.

In Baghdad, a suicide bomber detonated his car at midday near a Shiite mosque in the busy Karrada neighborhood, killing himself and two passers-by and wounding nine people. A mortar shell killed one person in the Tobchi neighborhood, on the west side of the Tigris.

Alissa J. Rubin and Atheer Kakan contributed reporting from Baghdad, and Iraqi employees of The New York Times from Baghdad, Mosul and Diyala.

Defending mediocrity? ...

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/21/magazine/21writingprof-t.html?ref=magazine&pagewanted=all

The New York Times Magazine

September 21, 2008
Those Who Write, Teach
By DAVID GESSNER

In Captivity

Five years ago I gave up the full-time writing life and became the kind of domesticated writer known as a professor. I was not shot with a tranquilizer gun, tagged and shipped off to a university. I underwent this conversion more or less of my own free will, drawn by the lure of health insurance, salary and security. The changes in me have been gradual, barely noticeable most of the time, except when I catch myself using, as I did the other day, words like “pedagogy” and “collegial.” Though I sometimes chafe at my collar, just as often I appreciate the miracle of the job. A typical creative-writing professor has four months of summer vacation; teaches passionate young people a subject they actually want to learn about (and often enjoy); carries a light two-class load per term that is the envy of professors in other departments; and gains both a sense of belonging and ego satisfaction as a pillar — even a star — of a small, intense community of writers and readers. Furthermore, in a time when it is increasingly difficult for literary writers to support themselves through their writing, professorships provide an attractive alternative to working as a bookstore clerk, carpenter’s helper or busboy. The benefits have proved appealing enough to draw thousands of writers into the university fold, and while a couple of generations ago it might have been a surprise to find a writer who taught at a college, now it’s a surprise to find one who doesn’t.

Writers who have been lucky enough to land these gigs are inclined to talk — when we aren’t grumbling — about their good fortune in sensible language, citing all that is sane, healthy, balanced and economically viable about their jobs. But another question is discussed less. What exactly does all this teaching do to our writing? And what, if anything, does it mean for a country to have a tenured literature?

Consider that our first great national literary flowering constituted, in part, a rebellion against what was thought of as academic, effete and indoors-y in English writing. It slightly complicates things that this flowering was greatly influenced by an Englishman, Wordsworth, but that doesn’t detract from the fact that in the 1850s Melville published “Moby-Dick” (1851); Thoreau, “Walden” (1854); and Whitman, “Leaves of Grass” (1855), while at the same time Emily Dickinson began to hit her private stride and Emerson was still lecturing. Thoreau claimed to have never wasted a walk on another, and it’s hard to imagine him taking a break from one of his marathon strolls to waste three hours teaching a graduate workshop. Equally difficult is picturing Melville asking a group of undergrads, “What’s at stake in this story?” or Dickinson clapping a colleague on the back after a faculty meeting.

There was an essential fanaticism in all their efforts, the sense of an entire life thrown into the great project of creating works of art. Even if we grant that you can be as original within the university as up in your garret, we must concede the possibility that something is lost by living a divided life. Intensity perhaps. The ability to focus hard and long on big, ambitious projects. A great writer, after all, must travel daily to a mental subcontinent, must rip into the work, experiencing the exertion of it, the anxiety of it and, once in a blue moon, the glory of it. It’s fine for writing teachers to talk in self-help jargon about how their lives require “balance” and “shifting gears” between teaching and writing, but below that civil language lurks the uncomfortable fact that the creation of literature requires a degree of monomania, and that it is, at least in part, an irrational enterprise. It’s hard to throw your whole self into something when that self has another job.

Prototype

Well, we can’t all go live by ponds or write books about whales. Perhaps I should throw my argument over a clothesline and beat it with the broom of common sense. If so, who better to wield the broom than Wallace Stegner, that great hardheaded Western writer who, 60 years before it was commonplace, forged the prototype of the tenured writer? Stegner was there at the industry’s beginnings, graduating from Iowa (soon to become the celebrated Iowa Writers’ Workshop), teaching at the Bread Loaf conference, becoming one of the first Briggs-Copeland lecturers at Harvard and directing the Stanford program. A product of the Depression, he solved the great and ever-pressing economic question of the writing life with a simple answer: He got a job. Though he wasn’t above griping, the job, in his eyes, was a good one, allowing him to support a family while cranking out a steady stream of novels, stories, essays and histories. Stegner wrote fast and he wrote well, with a journalist’s toughness. When faced with the problem of completing long books while also teaching, he always replied briskly with some variant of “that’s what summers are for.”

His own model in hardheadedness was Bernard DeVoto, but while DeVoto made his money by editing and by writing formulaic (and pseudonymous) short stories for slick magazines, Stegner made his teaching writers — including Edward Abbey, Larry McMurtry, Wendell Berry, Robert Stone and Ken Kesey — to write. On top of being a creator of the modern workshop method, he found time to balance writing, fighting environmental fights, working for the Department of the Interior under Stewart Udall and, by most accounts, being a pretty decent husband, father and friend.

But even Stegner, mighty Stegner, showed some cracks. Stegner worried about serving two masters and, for all his renown as a professor, said this upon his retirement from Stanford in 1971: “I am never going to miss teaching. . . . I never gave it more than half my heart, the ventricle, say.” Perhaps more to the point was the fact that his retirement, at 62, served as a starting gun that set off the great sustained sprint of his late career. Stegner shot out of the gates and over the next 22 years, until his death at 84, produced six books of nonfiction, including a vastly underrated biography of DeVoto, and three of his best novels: “Crossing to Safety,” the National Book Award-winning “Spectator Bird” and the Pulitzer Prize-winning “Angle of Repose.” It is true that “Angle of Repose,” the most ambitious of those books, was composed while he still had one foot in teaching, but during those last two decades there is a sense of almost crystallized concentration, all the energy that had sprayed off in so many directions suddenly lasered in on the work.

The Safety Net

For most of us, the options aren’t teaching or writing all day in a barn but teaching or working at the Dairy Queen. It’s not just a question of success or even genius, but temperament and discipline. Young writers think all they need is time, but give them that time and watch them implode. After all, there’s something basically insane about sitting at a desk and talking to yourself all day, and there’s a reason that writers are second only to medical students in instances of hypochondria. In isolation, our minds turn on us pretty quickly. I have two writer friends, successful novelists who could afford not to teach, who insist that rather than detract from their writing, their lives as professors are what allow them to write, and that given more free time, they would crumble. The job provides a safety net above the abyss of facing the difficulty of creating every day, making an irrational thing feel more rational.

Yet no matter how much support you have, how many schedules you make or how many books you’ve written before, there remains the basic irrationality of the task: you are sitting by yourself trying to make something out of nothing, and you rarely know where you’re going next. Creating your own world is an invitation to solipsism, if not narcissism, and as well as being alone when we work, we are left, for the most part, to judge by ourselves if we have succeeded or failed in our tasks. (Three guesses in which direction we most often lean.) My father succinctly summarized his feelings about my choice to dedicate my 20s to writing fiction. “You’re not living in the real world,” he said. I reacted with a young man’s defensiveness, but in retrospect his assessment seems less critical than a matter of fact.

Which is where teaching comes in. It provides all the practical things that can help prop us up above the morass of our insane callings, not to mention something we can wave at the world like a badge. And don’t forget this bonus: other people. How delightful to work on this thing called a hallway, populated not just by colleagues but by students, all committed to, or at the very least interested in, writing. And this is all without even mentioning the teaching itself. I love teaching. There is a deep pleasure in sharing the things that you have labored to learn in solitude. It’s inspiring work — rewarding, interactive, human work so different from what we do at our desks — and it turns out that writers, many of us natural entertainers, often do it quite well.

This was not always the case. In the early, dark days of creative-writing programs, say, 30 years ago, many writers treated university positions not as jobs but as sinecures, and the university itself as a kind of benefactor. I attended graduate school at the University of Colorado in the early 1990s, and only one professor there ever learned my name; the rest, most of whom were granted their positions in the 1960s after the publication of a chapbook or two, approached their jobs with all the liveliness and enthusiasm of members of the Politburo. Iowa, of course, set the standard for the genius approach to writing in which the great man or woman allows the eager young to gather round, where they are to learn by osmosis. That was during the early outlaw years, when administrators, like cautious scientists, were first seeing if this thing, creative writing, could survive within the walls of the university. But times have changed, and these days teaching creative writing is more of a job, with all of a job’s commitments and a job’s demands. And those demands often crash up against the necessary fanaticism of the writing life. “Death by a thousand cuts” is how a colleague of mine described the academic life. Papers, students, classes, meetings, grades. They come all day like electric jolts, making it hard to be a good monk.

The Escapee

What, other than a romantic conception of the writer as creative monomaniac, is lost by the fact that many of us now make salaries almost on par with entry-level accountants? I think it is legitimate to worry that writers pressed for time will produce work that is more hurried; that writers who hand in annual reports listing their number of publications might focus as much on quantity as quality; and that writers who depend on bosses for their employment might produce safer, less bold work. Another thing that is undeniably lost is time spent reading great literature and communing with writers of the past. While the effect of teaching on writing may be a matter of debate, its effect on reading is undeniable. That is because there are only so many hours in the day, and those hours are used up reading our students’ work, which is, by definition, apprentice writing. Energy is finite while college students seemingly are not, and after teaching for a while you begin to feel as if you are in a “Star Trek” episode, lost on a strange planet made up of a thousand pods of need, all of them beaming out at you, sucking your energy, and all of them, invariably, asking you to read something. Since the reading life feeds the writing life, since we are what we eat, this can wear you down, to say the least.

The novelist Mike Magnuson puts this sentiment more bluntly: “What teaching has done for me is make me not want to read anything, written by anybody, for the rest of my life.”

Magnuson spoke freely since, after a decade of laboring in the academy, he has decided to quit and throw off his collar to head to Los Angeles to become, in his words, “a real writer.” Leaving aside the fact that the land of screenplays imposes its own sort of servitude, I did recognize a kind of escapee’s glee in Magnuson’s tone. I’ve heard it before in the slightly manic voices of others who have broken out of their ivory towers.

To be honest, I envy that wildness and worry that my own words may have grown tame along with my life. Before I became a professor, I managed to work full time as a writer, and I distinctly remember the experience of feeling angry right before I began turning fully to beginning a new book. Just who or what was I angry with? Anything or anyone who got in the way of my work. This may not have been a balanced way to be in the world, but in retrospect I can see what I was doing, and while my behavior wasn’t rational or “good,” it may have been necessary. I was clearing the ground — creating the life “with a broad margin” as Thoreau put it — to try something that would take all I had.

I don’t know how long I can survive in captivity. For the time being I will continue to throw myself into teaching and try to take Stegner’s advice about the summers, while hoping my job doesn’t get in the way of my work. I do love teaching and recognize how lucky I am to be living for at least a part of each day in the real world, but while I try to be commonsensical, lately I have begun to feel something rising up inside me. A part of me misses the glee and obsession and even the anger. And a part of me worries that my work has become too professional, too small, and worries that I don’t spend as much time as I should reading or brooding or even fretting. Yes, my lifestyle is more healthful, but is health always the most important thing? The part that answers no to that question is now lying in wait, looking for ways to undermine my so-far-successful teaching career. In fact you could argue that that part of me had a hand in writing this essay, which I am finishing now, a few weeks before going up for tenure. After all, what would that part, my inner monomaniac, like more than to tear off his collar and sabotage the job that keeps him from running wild?

David Gessner is the author of six books, including “Sick of Nature,” “Return of the Osprey” and “Soaring With Fidel.” He is an assistant professor of creative writing at the University of North Carolina Wilmington.
--------------------------------------------
If you have an hour, watch the following discussion at the link bellow(broadband is needed) - tkm.

http://bloggingheads.tv/diavlogs/14561?in=00:00&out=64:51

-----------------------------------
http://www.themoscowtimes.com/article/1010/42/371067.htm


The Moscow Times
19 September 2008
Vast Majority of Russians Say Country Is Highly Corrupt By Francesca Mereu

Despite President Dmitry Medvedev's pledge to tackle corruption, most Russians see few improvements and still consider their country highly corrupt, according to a poll released this week by state pollster VTsIOM.

Seventy-four percent of respondents said corruption in the country was "high" or "very high," while 19 percent said the level of corruption was "average," according to the poll.

Just 1 percent of respondents described the level of corruption in Russia as "low."

The poll, conducted Sept. 6 and 7 among 1,600 respondents nationwide and released Tuesday, had a margin of error of 3.4 percent.

After his election in March, Medvedev declared war on corruption, saying it was a brake on economic growth and was undermining the state. He created an anti-corruption committee to draft legislation aimed at protecting businesses from corrupt bureaucrats and guaranteeing independent courts.

The head of the committee, Kremlin chief of staff Sergei Naryshkin, said the new legislation would be submitted for consideration in the State Duma by November.

According to the VTsIOM poll, 75 percent of Russians said they had seen either no improvement in the situation or that the battle against corruption had yielded only "negligible" results.

Ten percent of respondents said the situation was getting worse, while 7 percent said they had seen some progress.

Russia is on par with Gambia, Togo and Indonesia in terms of corruption, according to a study conducted last year by Transparency International, a corruption watchdog. The report ranked Russia 143rd out of 180 countries surveyed.

Indem, a Moscow-based think tank that tracks corruption, said Russians pay $319 billion annually in bribes. That amounts to around $2,250 for each of the country's 142 million citizens.

{better late then never. What do you think my fellow Turkish citizens? Oohhh, you'r all sleeping. Thieves do there best work at night. tkm}

Democracy and the middle class...

http://www.boston.com/bostonglobe/ideas/articles/2008/09/14/democracy_on_the_wane/?page=full


(To read in full please click on the above link.)


Democracy on the wane
In country after country, democratic reforms are in retreat. The surprising culprit: the middle class.

..."IN THE STREETS of Bangkok, mobs of middle class Thais who would normally hit the city's massive shopping malls have been hitting the pavement instead. For days, hundreds of thousands of protesters have massed in the streets, demanding the resignation of the prime minister, shutting down airports with their protests, and even laying siege to the main government building. As they camped out in the structure, wearing yellow shirts and bandanas, the color of the Thai monarchy, they left the regal buildings looking more like Woodstock, circa 1968.

The antigovernment demonstrators, calling themselves the People's Alliance for Democracy, were lashing out at the prime minister, Samak Sundaravej, who they claimed was a tyrant who'd violated a range of laws. In truth, however, they were not battling for democracy - they wanted Samak, who was democratically elected, to step down. In addition, they hated him because he was allied with former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, whom they accused of massive graft and human rights abuses. Eventually, they got their wish: Last week, the prime minister resigned after losing a controversial court decision.

In the streets, the seas of yellow openly wept with joy. The democrat was deposed.

After being hailed as a democratic success story in the 1990s, Thailand has only gone backward. Rather than settling problems through compromise, Bangkok residents repeatedly take to the streets when things don't go their way. Instead of pushing for freedom, much of the Thai media and civil society has gone mute, or simply battles against elected governments. With so many crises, the Thai military now either steps in, as it did in 2006, or hovers in the wings, threatening to intervene.

The events unfolding in Thailand are part of a gathering global revolt against democracy. In 2007, the number of countries with declining freedoms exceeded those with advancing freedoms by nearly four to one, according to a recent report by Freedom House, an organization that monitors global democracy trends.

And the villains, surprisingly enough, are the same people who supposedly make democracy possible: the middle class. Traditional theories of democratization, such as those of Harvard professor Samuel Huntington, predict a story of middle class heroics: As a country develops a true middle class, these urban, educated citizens insist on more rights in order to protect their economic and social interests. Eventually, as the size of the middle class grows, those demands become so overwhelming that democracy is inevitable. But now, it appears, the middle class in some nations has turned into an antidemocratic force. Young democracy, with weak institutions, often brings to power, at first, elected leaders who actually don't care that much about upholding democracy. As these demagogues tear down the very reforms the middle classes built, those same middle classes turn against the leaders, and then against the system itself, bringing democracy to collapse.Continued...

This is a process now being repeated in Africa, Asia, and parts of Latin America, regions that once seemed destined to become the third and fourth waves of global democratization, following the original Western democracies and the second wave in southern Europe and several other regions. The pattern has become so noticeable - repeated in Venezuela, Russia, Bangladesh, and other states - that one must even wonder about democracy's future itself.

For decades, Thailand was ruled by military regimes - the country had so many coups that Thai friends told me they could no longer remember the number. But by the late 1980s, the Thai middle class was growing wealthier and tired of authoritarian rule and joined students in openly contesting its power. In the early 1990s, protesters came out in force in the streets of Bangkok, in the "cellphone revolution" - thousands of businessmen in natty suits, housewives with pots of curry for demonstrators, and students from Thailand's elite universities.

The military acquiesced, seemingly for good, and the country entered a period of democratization. The middle class wrote a new, liberal constitution, which enshrined a wide range of freedoms and provided new checks and balances to prevent the return of authoritarian rule. Thais participated in free elections, while a bonanza of new NGOs, mostly made up of younger urban middle class Thais, sprung up to take advantage of the glasnost. Bangkok seemed in a state of excitement; I was living there at the time, and my Thai friends were always shuttling to meetings to hash out the new charter or write an opinion column. Even foreigners seemed thrilled: I hosted a constant parade of young Americans at my house who'd come to Bangkok to work for a myriad of new NGOs.

The 1990s were a good time in other nations as well. In Latin nations like Chile and Argentina, the urban middle class battled decades of dictatorship, ultimately prevailing in the 1990s. In South Korea, Indonesia, and Taiwan, urban middle class students often led the protests that, ultimately, drew in broader participation and helped bring down dictatorships. Once established in power, these middle classes transformed the Asian nations, so that, in Indonesia, for example, reformers quickly insisted upon laws that increased federalism, devolving power in a society ruled for years by an opaque autocrat.

But what many theorists didn't count on was that middle class excitement could turn sour. In 2000, Thailand's middle class faced a problem it might not have anticipated - a politician who actually canvassed the poor for votes. Thaksin Shinawatra, a billionaire telecommunications tycoon turned pol, traveled the rural hinterlands, spewing populist promises unlike anything the country had ever seen: cheap, government-backed healthcare, loans to every village, and many more. When I traveled with Thaksin on the campaign trail, villagers welcomed him like a kind of god, gathering in packs to listen and try to touch him. And the rural poor, who make up the majority of the country, voted. In 2001, and again in 2005, Thaksin swept elections, winning far greater control of parliament than any previous prime minister."...


{a better Question to ask is:
Is this system of governence the only way or can people create a more workable system. tkm}

A few croissants and some pastırma please...


Derkaoui Abdellah - Morocco


Dario Castillejos - Mexico


JIHO - France




October 2008
SMTWTFS
September 2008November 2008
1234
567891011
12131415161718
19202122232425
262728293031